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GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 01101 0334 



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in 2013 



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COLLECTIONS 



MASSACHUSETTS 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



i 

283C 



VOL. VIII. 
OF THE THIRD SERIES 



BOSTON: 

CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. 
1843. 



boston : 

PRINTED BY FREEMAN AND BOLLES, 
WASHINGTON STREET. 



CONTENTS 



1163687 

Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez, .... 5 

Bartholomew Gosnold's Letter to his Father, A. D. 1602, . 70 

Archer's account of Gosnold's Voyage, ..... 72 

Brereton's account of Gosnold's Voyage, .... 83 

Tracts appended to Brereton, 94 

Rosier's account of Way mouth's Voyage, A. D. 1605, . . 125 

Levett's Voyage, A. D. 1623, 159 

On the Early Laws of Massachusetts. By F. C. Gray, . 191 

Order in Council of 20th July, 1677, 238 

Gleanings for New England History. By James Savage, . 243 



COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION. 

FRANCIS C. GRAY, LL. D. 
WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, LL. D. 
Rev. ALEXANDER YOUNG, 
Rev. JOSEPH B. FELT. 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

ELECTED APRIL 28, 1842. 



PRESIDENT. 

Hon. JAMES SAVAGE, LL. D. 

RECORDING SECRETARY. 

JOSEPH WILLARD, Esq. 

CORRESPONDING- SECRETARY. 

Rev. CHARLES LOWELL, D. D. 

TREASURER. 

Hon. NAHUM MITCHELL. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Rev. JOSEPH B. FELT. 

CABINET KEEPER. 

ISAAC P. DAVIS, Esq. 

STANDING COMMITTEE. 

Hon. FRANCIS C. GRAY, LL. D. 
Rev. CONVERS FRANCIS, D. D. 
Rev. ALEXANDER YOUNG, 
GEORGE TICKNOR, Esq. 
JOSEPH WILLARD, Esq. 



Resident Members, in the Order of their Election. 

Hon. John Davis, LL. D. Rev. William Jenks, D. D. George Bancroft, LL. D. 

Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL. D. Rev. Henry Ware, Jr., D. D. Hon. Nathan Appleton. 

Rev. Jonathan Homer, D. D. Samuel P. Gardner, Esq. Hon. Rufus Choate. 

Hon. John Guincy Adams, LL. D. Rev. F. W. P. Greenwood, D. D. Hon. John G. King. 

Rev. John Pierce, D. D. Jared Sparks, LL. D. Rev. Alexander Young. 

Hon. Daniel Webster, LL. D. Benjamin Merrill, Esq. Hon. Daniel A. White, LL. D„ 

Hon. James Savage, LL. D. Joseph E. Worcester, A. M. William Gibbs, Esq. 

Rev. Charles Lowell, D. D. Joseph Willar'd, Esq. Josiah Bartlett, M. D. 

Hon. Joseph Story, LL. D. Samuel Shattuck, Esq. Hon, Simon Greenleaf, LL. D. 

Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, LL. D. Isaac P. Davis, Esq. Hon. Francis Baylies. 

Ichabod Tucker, Esq. Mr. Alonzo Lewis. William H. Prescott, LL. D. 

Hon. Francis C. Gray, LL. D. Rev. Joseph B. Felt. Hon. R. C. Winthrop. 

Hon. John Pickering, hh. D. Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL. D. Rev. Alvan Lamson, D. D. 

Hon. Nahum Mitchell. Hon. James T. Austin, LL. D. Hon. Nathaniel Morton Davis. 

N. G. Snelling, Esq. Rev. Convers Francis, D. D. Charles F. Adams, Esq. 

B. R. Nichols, Esq. Hon. John Welles. Hon. Samuel Hoar, LL. D. 

Hon. Nathan Hale. Rev. Charles W. Upham. Rev. William P. Lunt. 

Rev. Samuel Ripley. William Lincoln, Esq. Rev. George P. Ellis. 

Hon. Edward Everett, LL. D, George Ticknor, Esq. Hon. John 0. Gray. 

Hon. J. C. Merrill. Rev. John Codman, D. D. Rev. J. G. Palfrey, D. D., LL. D. 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 



EXTRACT FROM THE HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC 
SOVEREIGNS, FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



BY ANDRES BERNALDEZ. 



[Translated from the original Manuscript.] 

[The following pages are translated from a chronicle, Historia de 
los Reyes Catolicos — written by Andres Bernaldez, curate of Los Pala- 
cios, a town of Andalusia in Spain. The greater part of the work is 
devoted, as the title implies, to a general history of the reign of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella. His residence in the immediate neighborhood of the 
theatre of the Moorish war, led him to give particular attention to the 
events of that chivalrous struggle, for which he is one of the very best 
authorities. The curate was intimate with several of the distinguished 
men of his time, whom he entertained under his hospitable roof in their 
journeys through the country. Among these was Columbus. The lat- 
ter seems to have conceived a great regard for his host, who to much 
simplicity of character, united more learning than usual at that time, and 
an inquisitive spirit on all subjects of rational interest. The chapters of 
his chronicle now translated, are devoted to an account of the great nav- 
igator gathered from his personal intercourse with him, as well as from 
the journals and papers which Columbus deposited in his hands. As the 
record of an honest contemporary, familiar with the subject of the story, 
it is of the highest value, and will doubtless possess much interest for the 
American reader. The original is still in manuscript ; and no part of it 
has hitherto been translated from the Castilian. The present version is 
made from a copy belonging to Mr. Prescott, in whose 'History of Fer- 
dinand and Isabella,' is the following brief sketch of Bernaldez and his 
literary labors. 

"The curate of Los Palacios was a native of Fuente in Leon, and ap- 
pears to have received his early education under the care of his grand- 
father, a notary of that place, whose commendations of a juvenile essay 

VOL. VIII. 1 



6 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

in historical writing led him later in life, according to his own account, 
to record the events of his time in the extended and regular form of a 
chronicle. After admission to orders, he was made chaplain to Deza, 
archbishop of Seville, and curate of Los Palacios, an Andalusian town 
not far from Seville, where he discharged his ecclesiastical functions with 
credit, from 1488 to 1513, at which time, as we find no later mention of 
him, he probably closed his life with his labors. 

" Bernaldez had ample opportunities for accurate information relative to 
the Moorish war, since he lived, as it were, in the theatre of action, and 
was personally intimate with the most considerable men of Andalusia, 
especially the marquis of Cadiz, whom he has made the Achilles of his 
epic, assigning him a much more important part in the principal transac- 
tions, than is always warranted by other authorities. His chronicle is 
just such as might have been anticipated from a person of lively imagina- 
tion, and competent scholarship for the time, deeply dyed with the bigotry 
and superstition of the Spanish clergy in that century. There is no 
great discrimination apparent in the work of the worthy curate, who 
dwells with goggle-eyed credulity on the most absurd marvels, and ex- 
pends more pages on an empty court show, than on the most important 
schemes of policy. But if he is no philosopher, he has, perhaps, for that 
very reason, succeeded in making us completely master of the popular 
feelings and prejudices of the time ; while he gives a most vivid portrait- 
ure of the principal scenes and actors in this stirring war, with all their 
chivalrous exploit, and rich theatrical accompaniment. His credulity 
and fanaticism, moreover, are well compensated by a simplicity and loy- 
alty of purpose, which secure much more credit to his narrative than at- 
taches to those of more ambitious writers whose judgment is perpetually 
swayed by personal or party interests. The chronicle descends as late 
as 1513, although, as might be expected from the author's character, it 
is entitled to much less confidence in the discussion of events which fell 
without the scope of his personal observation. Notwithstanding its his- 
torical value is fully recognised by the Castilian critics, it has never been 
admitted to the press, but still remains engulfed in the ocean of manu- 
scripts, with which the Spanish libraries are deluged." " History of the 
Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, the Catholic ef Spain." Vol. II. pp. 
108, 109.] 



CHAPTER 118. 

Hoio the Indies ivere Discovered. 

In the name of Almighty God. There was a man of 
Genoa, a dealer in printed books, who traded in this province 
of Andalusia, and whose name was Christopher Columbus : 
a man of very lofty genius, without much acquaintance with 
letters, but very learned in the art of cosmography. From 
what he had read in Ptolemy, and in other books, and by 
his own acuteness, he had learned respecting this earth, 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 7 

upon which we are born and live, that it is placed within the 
sphere of the heavens, that it does not in any part touch 
them, or any other firm substance, by which it is supported, 
but land and water are encircled round about by the void space 
of the heavens. He likewise ascertained in what way land 
abounding in gold might be discovered, and that, since this 
earth, or terraqueous globe, may be passed entirely around, 
by land and by water, (as John de Mandeville relates,) 
whoever should have suitable vessels, and should pursue the 
right course, by sea and land, might sail directly west from 
Cape St. Vincent, and return by way of Jerusalem and 
Rome to Seville ; which would be to go completely round 
the circumference of the whole earth. Also, he constructed 
a map of the world, to which he devoted much study, and 
thus perceived that, in whatever direction one should sail 
across the ocean, he could not avoid finding land ; and 
moreover he satisfied himself as to the route, by which a re- 
gion of much gold might be discovered ; a favorite subject 
of his thoughts. 

Knowing that King John, of Portugal, was much inter- 
ested in discovery, he offered his services to that monarch ; 
but his theory being stated, no credit was given to it, because 
the Portuguese King had in his service many eminent and 
learned navigators, w 7 ho made light of it, and took for granted 
that there were in the world no other discoverers greater 
than themselves. So Columbus came to the court of King 
Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, and explained to them his 
theory ; to which they likewise gave but little credit : but he 
conversed with them, and assured them that what lie said 
was certainly true, and showed them his map of the world, 
till he excited in them a desire to know something about 
those countries, of which he told them. And having dis- 
missed him, they summoned their astrologers, astronomers, 
and courtiers who were learned in cosmography, whose ad- 
vice they required ; and the opinion of the majority of them, 
after hearing Columbus, was that his views were correct. 
Accordingly, the King and Queen concluded an agreement 
with him, ordered three vessels to be fitted out at Seville, 
with men and provisions, within the time that he desired, and 
despatched him, in the name of God and our Lady, upon 
his discoveries. 



8 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

Columbus set sail from Palos, in the month of September, 
1492, and pursued his voyage through the sea to the Cape 
Verd islands, and thence west, towards the point where we 
see the sun set, in the month of March ; in which direction 
all the mariners believed it impossible to find land. And in- 
deed, the King of Portugal had several times sent vessels in 
that direction to make discoveries, (for many persons believed 
that countries very rich in gold lay in that quarter) but they 
could never discover land, and always returned with their 
labor lost : but for the good fortune and the desert of our 
King and Queen, it pleased God that the discovery should 
be made in their time. In one of the ships went as captain 
Martin Alonzo Pinzon, a citizen of Palos, a distinguished 
navigator, and a man of great wisdom in nautical matters. 
From the Cape Verd islands they pursued their course to- 
wards the point to which Columbus's faith directed him, for 
thirty-two days, before they discovered land. During the 
last of these days, the greater number of the sailors, seeing 
that they had already gone more than a thousand leagues, 
and had discovered nothing, thought there was no sense in 
proceeding farther,— that they were already lost beyond all 
hope, and that it would be a miracle if they should be able 
to find their way home. However, Columbus and the 
other officers, with soothing words, persuaded them to go on, 
and assured them that, with God's help, they were certain 
of finding land. 

One day, as Columbus was looking towards the heavens, 
he saw birds flying very high, from the one side to the other. 
He pointed them out to his comrades, crying " Good news r" 
and half a day later, they discovered land. Here they lost 
the largest of their three vessels, which ran aground and 
went down ; but none of the men were lost. Upon this first 
island they landed, and Columbus took formal possession 
for the King and Queen, with standard and banner flying ; 
and he gave it the name of San Salvador ; but the natives 
call it Guanahani. They found that all the people, both men 
and women, went naked as they were born ; and though at 
first they fled from our men, yet these succeeded in com- 
municating with some of them, and by giving them presents, 
which they had brought in the ships, quieted their fears. 
To the second island which he discovered, Columbus gave 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 9 

the name of Santa Maria, in honor of the Virgin : the third 
he called Fernandina, in honor of King Ferdinand: the 
fourth he called Isabella, in honor of the Queen: and the 
fifth, Juana, in honor of the Prince, Don Juan : and in the 
same way, to each of the islands which they discovered, 
they gave a new name. Along the island Juana they 
coasted towards the west ; and they found it so large, that 
they supposed it must be a continent. As they perceived 
neither towns nor villages upon the sea-coast, but only scat- 
tered habitations, with the people of which they could obtain 
no communication, since they fled as soon as they saw 
them, they went back to an excellent harbor, whence Co- 
lumbus sent two men into the interior, to learn whether the 
people had any king or chiefs. These men journeyed three 
days, and found a vast number of settlements, built of wood 
and straw, with innumerable multitudes of people, but no 
indications of any kind of government ; whereupon they 
returned. 

The Indians who had been taken, told the Spaniards by 
signs that this land was not a continent, but an island ; and 
following the coast, towards the east, a hundred and seven 
leagues from the point where they first landed, they came to 
a cape, from which they saw another island, distant about 
eighteen leagues, to which Columbus gave the name of His- 
paniola. They coasted along this island, on the northern 
side, as they had done with Juana ; and though all the 
islands were wondrously beautiful, they found this of His- 
paniola more beautiful than all the rest ; for in it there are 
many harbors, excellent in comparison with the best to be 
found in Christian countries, and many large and noble 
rivers ; the land is high, with many beautiful mountains and 
very lofty ridges, covered with a thousand varieties of trees, 
so high that they seem to reach to heaven. I believe that 
these never shed their leaves ; for it appears that in the sea- 
son when it is winter here, and all the trees lose their foliage, 
there they were all as they are with us in the month of 
May ; some were in flower, and some in fruit ; and in their 
branches the nightingale and other birds were singing as 
they do here in May. Some of these have feathers of six or 
seven different kinds, which are admirable for their variety. 
The abundance of fountains, trees and plants, is wonderful. 



1 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

There are pine-groves 5 plains, and level tracts of very great 
extent. The trees and fruits are not like ours. There are 
mines of gold, of inestimable value. It appeared to Colum- 
bus, and the others who were with him, from the richness 
and beauty of the land, that it must be very profitable for 
tillage, for planting and raising crops, and for pasturing cattle 
sent from Spain. They found in this island of Hispaniola 
very large rivers, with very sweet waters, and they knew 
that there was much gold in their sands. They saw that the 
trees of the mountains were not like ours. They also saw, 
and learned from the Indians, that in this island there were 
large mines of fine gold. 

The people of these islands, and those before mentioned, 
all went naked as they were born, both men and women, 
with as little embarrassment or shame as the people of Castile 
in full dress. Some of the women wore simply a strip of 
cotton, with a cord for a girdle : others used a leaf of a tree, 
which was large, and suitable for the purpose : others wore 
a mantle of cotton cloth, bound around the hips, and reach- 
ing to the middle of the thigh ; and I believe that this was 
worn during pregnancy. The natives had no iron or steel, 
and no arms or other things made from these or any other 
metal, excepting gold. They were and are a very timid 
race, for a thousand of them would flee from three armed 
Spaniards. Their only weapons were canes, or reeds, with 
no iron about them, but having some sharp substance at the 
end ; which could do very little injury to our men : and 
though they have these arms, they cannot use them, or 
stones, which are a powerful w 7 eapon, for they have not the 
courage. In the course of the voyage above related, it hap- 
pened that Columbus sent two or three men from the ships 
to a certain town, to communicate with the natives. They 
came out without number to meet them, but when they saw 
them come nearer, they all fled, and not a single one re- 
mained behind. Afterwards, however, when they had got 
rid of their terror, they were very quiet, and much pleased, 
and took great delight in conversing with the sailors. These 
people were all simple, peaceable, liberal, and well disposed, 
sharing with each other, making free with whatever they 
possessed, and giving without stint. Those that came to 
the ships, after they had recovered from their fears, showed 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 1 1 

towards our people much love and good will ; and for what- 
ever was given them they returned many thanks, and re- 
ceived it with much gratitude, as if it were a sacred relic, 
and gave whatever they had in return. One of the sailors, 
for a leathern strap, received a lump of gold, worth two 
castellanos ;* and others as much, and even more, for trifles 
of little value : for a new blanca\ they would give two pieces 
of gold, worth three castellanos, or an arroba,t or two of spun 
cotton, which is very abundant in those regions. Columbus 
and his companions, in this voyage, did not learn what was 
the religious belief of these people, but they pointed towards 
the heavens, making signs that they believed that there was 
all power and holiness. And they thought and believed 
that these strangers, with their fleet, had come from heaven, 
and were inhabitants of another world ; and accordingly in 
every village, after they had overcome their terror, they re- 
ceived them with the reverence inspired by such a belief. 
This was not in consequence of their simplicity or defect of 
understanding, for they are a very subtle race, of much 
acuteness, and they navigate all the neighboring seas, and it 
is wonderful to hear the account they give of everything, 
except that they never before saw T or heard of people wear- 
ing clothes, or such vessels as those of the Spaniards. 

On his first arrival in the Indies with his fleet, Columbus 
took by force some of the natives, in order to obtain from 
them information concerning the country ; and either by 
signs or by words, they and the sailors very soon came to 
understand each other. These men were of great service 
during the voyage, for at every place at which they touched, 
some of them were set at liberty and sent on shore, and they 
w r ent through the country, crying with loud voices, " Come ! 
come ! and see the people from Heaven !" and those who 
heard them, when they had possessed themselves of the 
news, went to tell others, from village to village, and from 
town to town, over the country, to come and see these won- 
derful people, who had come from heaven ; so that all the 
men and women thronged to see so great a marvel, and 
after they had lost their fear and felt themselves safe, they 

* An ancient Spanish coin. 

t A copper coin, of the value of half a maravedi. 

X Twenty-five pounds. 



12 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

all came, without hesitation, to the people in the ships, and 
brought them food and drink, — so that it was astonishing to 
see them. In all these islands, the natives had a kind of 
boats, in which they sailed, and which they called canoes, 
about as long as 3. fusta* some large and some small, but all 
narrow, for each one is made from the trunk of a single tree. 
They make them with very sharp flint-stones ; some, of the 
size of a fusta of eight benches ; but a fusta cannot keep 
up with them in rowing, for they go with incredible swift- 
ness. With these canoes, they navigate all those seas, and 
exchange their commodities with each other. Some of them 
will hold sixty men, and others, still larger, will carry eighty 
men, each with his oar in his hands, in all these islands, 
the Spaniards did not observe any diversity in the appear- 
ance or the customs of the natives, or in their language ; but 
they had all broad foreheads and faces, round heads, meas- 
uring as much from temple to temple as from the forehead 
to the back of the head, dark hair, and bodies of the middle 
size, and of a tawny color, nearer white than black. They 
all appeared to understand each other, and to be of one 
tongue ; which is a surprising fact — that in so many islands 
there should be no diversity of language ; but it may have 
been caused by navigation, for they were lords of the sea ; 
whereas in the Canary islands, where they have not the 
means of navigation, the natives do not understand each 
other, but each island has its own language. 

I have already related how Columbus sailed along the 
coast of the island to which he gave the name of Juana, a 
hundred and seven leagues in a straight line ; by which it 
seemed to him to be larger than England and Scotland 
together. To the west of this island were two other pro- 
vinces, which Columbus did not visit. One of these the 
Indians call Naham, where they say men are bora with tails ; 
but from what I have read and seen upon the map of the 
world, I do not believe that this is the place; — if it is, 
however, with God's help, it will soon be made known. 
These islands, or provinces, according to the account of the 
Indians, may be about fifty or sixty leagues each in length. 

The island Hispaniola, which the Indians call Hayti, 

* A small vessel, with lateen sails. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 13 

placed beside the others of which I have spoken, is like 
gold beside silver. It is very large and beautiful, with 
groves, rivers, mountains, plains, and noble seas and harbors. 
Its circuit is greater than that of Spain, from Colibre, which 
is in Catalonia, near Perpignan, by the sea-coast, around Gra- 
nada, Portugal, Galicia, and Biscay, to Fuenterabia, which is 
at the extremity of the latter province. The Spaniards went 
eighty-eight leagues in a straight line from west to east; 
which showed the great extent of the island ; for it is very 
large, and most favorably situated with reference to the gold 
mines, and for all kinds of commerce, with either continent. 
Columbus founded a town herein Hispaniola, (called by the 
natives Hayti) to which he gave the name of the city of La 
Navidad. Here he left forty men, with artillery, and arms, 
and provisions, beginning the erection of a fortress ; for 
which purpose he left skilful workmen, with provisions for a 
certain period, and chosen men from those he had brought 
with him, men of intelligence and information : and indeed 
it was necessary, as it seemed, to leave them ; for, one of 
their vessels having run aground at this place, and been lost, 
there was no way of carrying them all home. Columbus 
declared that they were left solely for the purpose of com- 
mencing a settlement ; and he formed an alliance with a 
king of that region, the parties pledging themselves to each 
other as close friends, and, as it were, brothers ; and Colum- 
bus commended to the king's protection the men whom he 
left there. The vessel was lost in Hispaniola, near the spot 
where the forty men were left. 

Here, at the entrance to the Indies, are certain islands, 
which the natives of those above-named call the Caribbees ; 
and which are peopled by a race, whom they regard as very 
fierce, and hold in great terror, because they eat human 
flesh. They have many canoes, with which they make 
incursions into all the neighboring islands, carry off whatever 
they can find, and take prisoners as many men and women 
as they can, and kill and eat them ; which is a matter of 
great astonishment and horror. They are not more ill-look- 
ing than the others, but they have this abominable custom, 
and they are a more valiant race than the rest ; and their 
weapons, of which they use a great abundance, are arrows, 
or sticks, sharpened at the end, or pointed with fishes' bones, 

VOL. VIII. 2 



14 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

for want of iron, which they do not possess. They wear 
their hair long, like women, and are held in dread as fero- 
cious, by the natives of the other islands ; but this is be- 
cause the latter are a very cowardly, domestic, and peaceable 
race, and not that the Caribs are brave, or that our men 
think more of them than of their neighbors. In the islands of 
these Caribs, as well as in the others above-mentioned, is gold 
in incalculable quantity, cotton in vast abundance, and espe- 
cially spices, such as pepper, which is four times as strong 
and pungent as the pepper that we use in Spain, and which 
all the natives esteem very valuable for its medicinal virtues. 
There are also flax, aloes, mastich, rhubarb, and many other 
good things, as it seemed to Columbus. None of our quad- 
rupeds or animals were found in these islands at this time, 
except some little dogs, and in the level country some huge 
rats, which they call otters, and which are used for food, and 
are very savory, being eaten like our rabbits, and considered 
equally good. There are many birds, all different from ours, 
and in particular, many parrots. 

Having made these discoveries, Columbus returned to 
Castile, arrived at Palos on the 23d of March, 1493, and 
entered Seville with great honor, on the 31st, being Palm 
Sunday ; his reception being suited to the complete success 
of his project. He brought with him ten Indians, four of 
whom he left at Seville, and the other six he took to Barce- 
lona, to show to the King and Queen, who received him very 
graciously, gave him great credit for what he had done, and 
gave him orders for the fitting out of another and larger 
squadron, with which to return. They also bestowed upon 
him the title of Admiral of the Great Ocean-Sea of the In- 
dies ; and commanded, for the honor of that dignity, that 
he should be called Don Christopher Columbus. He left 
Barcelona, recommended to that very honorable and discreet 
man, Don Juan de Fonseca, at that time Archdeacon of Se- 
ville, the same who was Bishop of Badajoz, afterwards of 
Cordova, and afterwards of Palencia, and also Count of 
Pernia, and who then had the charge, under the King, of 
the fleets and the extension of commerce of Seville and 
of Andalusia. This arrangement being made, Columbus 
came to Seville, where in a short time he was provided with 
the squadron spoken of above, and with the requisite men, 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 15 

provisions, and supplies, with captains, officers of justice, 
learned men, naturalists, and men distinguished in counsel 
and in arms ; and with everything else necessary for the 
enterprise — with good ships, and good crews, and skilful 
goldsmiths, to detect and refine the gold. 



CHAPTER 119. 

Of the Seco?id Expedition to the Indies. 

By the grace of God and the command of King Ferdi- 
nand and Queen Isabella, the Admiral Don Christopher Co- 
lumbus sailed from Cadiz, on the 22d of September, 1493, 
with the squadron despatched by their Highnesses from Spain 
for the Indies, consisting of seventeen vessels, well provided, 
and having on board twelve hundred fighting men, or nearly 
that number, and with wind and weather favorable for the 
voyage. This weather lasted two days, during which they 
made little progress ; but after that the weather became so 
propitious, that in two days more they reached the great 
Canary island, where they went into port, — this having be- 
come necessary, in order to repair one of the vessels, which 
was making a good deal of water, — and remained the 
whole of the day. The next day they set sail, but they were 
delayed by calms, and were four or five days in reaching 
Gomera, where it was necessary to remain several days, to 
lay in supplies of meat, and wood, and water, for their 
great voyage ; so that, what with the weather, and their de- 
tentions in port, and one day they were becalmed, after 
leaving Gomera, it was twenty days before they arrived at 
the island of Yerro. From this place, by God's goodness, 
the weather was most excellent, so that never did fleet make 
so good a voyage ; for within twenty days they came in 
sight of land ; and they might have done it in fourteen, if 
the ship Capitana had been as good a sailer as the rest. In 
all this time, they never encountered a storm, except once, 
on the eve of St. Simon and Jude, when they had a storm, 
which lasted four hours, and put them in considerable peril. 
On the first Sunday after All Saints', about daybreak, a pilot 
of the ship Capitana cried out " Good news ! there is land in 



1 6 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez, 

sight ! " whereat many were greatly rejoiced. The pilots of 
the squadron, on that day, computed the distance from the 
island Yerro, one of the Canaries, to the first land which 
they saw, to be about eight hundred leagues ; some made it 
twenty less, — but the difference is not important. Add to 
these three hundred, which is the distance from Yerro to 
Cadiz, and we have for the whole distance from the extreme 
points of Spain (which are Cadiz and the ports of Andalu- 
sia) to the nearest ports of the Indies, eleven hundred 
leagues. 

This same Sunday morning, they saw ahead of them an 
island, and directly afterwards, on the right, appeared another 
new land, with lofty ridges of mountains, which, on the side 
towards them, was very thickly covered with trees : and as 
it grew lighter, trees and islands began to appear on all sides, 
so that they saw, that day, six islands, in different directions, 
and most of them quite large. They steered for the first 
which they discovered, and having arrived off its coast, pro- 
ceeded more than twenty leagues in search of a harbor, but 
without success ; for wherever they could see, the moun- 
tain appeared to extend, very beautiful and very green, to 
the water's edge; — which was a delightful sight, since in 
Spain, at that season, there is scarcely anything green. As 
they did not find a harbor, the Admiral thought it best to 
go to the other island, which they had seen on the right, and 
which was four or five leagues distant, one of the vessels, 
meanwhile, remaining at the first island, seeking for a harbor, 
in case there should be occasion to visit the island again. 
The men in this vessel succeeded in finding a good harbor, 
and saw habitations and people ; and immediately, the same 
night, they departed, and joined the rest of the squadron, 
which had gone into port in the other island, where the Ad- 
miral landed, and much people with him, with the royal 
standard in his hand, and took possession, in due form, for 
their Highnesses, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, his 
wife, sovereigns of Spain. In this island there was a won- 
derful abundance and variety of trees, which no one knew 
any thing about, and therefore they were afraid of their 
fruits, which were of different color, and some of them 
green, and the trees themselves were all green. They 
found a tree, whose leaf had the finest possible odor of 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 1 7 

cloves : it was like the laurel, only not so large. There 
were wild fruits of various kinds, and some of the men, who 
were not very prudent, tasted them ; and some of these 
who barely touched them with their tongues, became swol- 
len in the face, and were seized with violent fever and pain, 
so that it seemed as if they would go mad ; but, by means 
of cooling remedies, they were cured. 

In this island they found no human beings, nor any signs 
of them, and they believed it to be uninhabited. They 
were there but two hours by daylight, for it was evening 
when they arrived, and the next morning they set sail for 
another island, seven or eight leagues distant, which, as 
seen from this, appeared very large. They arrived by the 
side of a huge mountain, which seemed to reach to the very 
heavens, from the middle of which rose a lofty peak, and 
from this there poured forth great quantities of water, on 
different sides, and more especially on the side towards the 
ships; so that, even at three leagues' distance, it had the 
appearance of a large stream of water, and seemed to fall 
from heaven, so high was its source. Being seen so far, it 
occasioned on board the vessels many wagers and disputes ; 
some saying that it was white rocks, and some that it was 
water ; but as they came nearer, they saw how the fact was ; 
and it was a very famous and wonderful sight, to see so 
large a body of water fall through so great a distance, from 
so small a point. Immediately on their arrival, the Admiral 
sent a light caravel to search for a harbor ; the captain of 
which, having proceeded some distance, discovered huts, 
and people in them, who as soon as they saw him and 
the men who were coming with him, took to flight, and the 
captain entered their huts, and found everything that they 
kept there, for they had taken away nothing. There he 
found and carried off two parrots, very large, and very dif- 
ferent from any that had been seen ; he found, also, much 
cotton, spun, and ready for spinning, and other articles of 
their household goods, of all which he took away a little. 
He likewise brought away four or five bones of human legs 
and arms; as soon as they saw which, they knew that these 
were the islands of the Caribs, inhabited by a race of can- 
nibals. The Admiral, bearing in mind what had been told 
him by signs by the Indians, in his former voyage, concern- 



1 8 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez, 

Ing an island which was in sight from the place where 
he then was, set out for the place which the caravel had 
visited, to see what he could find there; the rather, be- 
cause it was nearer Spain, and, as he judged, in the 
most direct route to Hispaniola, where he had left the 
forty men in his first voyage ; and indeed, by God's good- 
ness, and the excellent skill of the Admiral, they were going 
in as direct a course thither, as if they had been following a 
well known, beaten highway. The island is large, the coast 
extending, on the side which they saw, apparently twenty- 
five leagues. They coasted along it, more than two leagues, 
finding, wherever they went, very lofty mountains, though in 
other parts of the island they could perceive extensive plains, 
and meeting with a few small settlements near the sea, 
whose inhabitants all fled as soon as they saw the ships. 
At the end of these two leagues, they went into port, it be- 
ing very late ; and the same night the Admiral, notwith- 
standing his suspicions from what had been seen, gave direc- 
tions that early on the following morning some of the men 
should go on shore, to take prisoners, from whom they could 
learn what people this might be. 

The next morning, accordingly^ some of the captains set 
out upon this errand. Some of them came upon the natives 
at their hour for eating ; and they captured a youth of about 
fourteen years, who, as they afterwards learned, and as he 
himself said, was one of those who had been taken prisoners 
by the natives of the island. The others went in a different 
direction, and they took a little boy, that was holding a man 
by the hand, who left him behind that he might himself 
escape. A part of the men were immediately sent back 
with this boy ; the rest remained, and some of them took 
several women, some being natives of the island, wdiom 
they brought off by force, and others captives, who w T ent 
with them voluntarily. One of the captains, and with him 
six men, got separated from this party, and lost their way, 
and could not find it again, till, after four days had passed, 
they came upon the sea-coast, and by following it along 
rejoined their companions in the ships, who, perhaps not 
unreasonably, supposed them lost, and devoured by the 
Caribs ; though among these men there were pilots and 
mariners who could find their way to Spain and back by 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 19 

the stars, and it might have been believed that they could 
not have perished in so short a time. On the same day 
that this party was sent on shore, there were walking by 
the sea-shore many men and women, gazing at the ships, 
and marvelling greatly at a sight so strange ; and when a 
boat put off for the land, to speak with them, they cried, 
" Fainon ! fainon!" which means "Good! good!" and 
they waited till the sailors were just getting out of the boat 
upon the shore, beside the mountain, giving themselves 
barely time to escape. The result was, that none of the 
men could be taken by force, and only two were taken at 
all, who w r ere first enticed, and then forcibly carried off. 
Of the women they took more than twenty, some of them 
natives of the island, who were brought aw r ay by force, and 
others captives, who came voluntarily ; and indeed many of 
the captives came to the ships, fleeing from the natives, who 
were keeping them to be eaten. 

In this harbor they remained eight days, in consequence 
of the absence of the captain, as above related ; during 
which time, the men often w r ent on shore, to visit the dwell- 
ings and villages of the people, which were near the coast ; 
and there they found immense quantities of human bones, 
and skulls hung up about the huts, like vessels for household 
uses; — these were the bones of the men that they had 
eaten. They found but few men, because, as the women 
said, they were gone with ten canoes, on a hostile expedi- 
tion to the other islands. The natives of this island seem 
to have had a more regular government than those of the 
others. They had much better habitations, though all of 
straw, of better form, and better furnished. They likewise 
seemed to be more industrious than their neighbors ; they 
had much cotton in their huts, spun, and ready for spinning, 
and cloths of the same, so well woven as not to be at all 
inferior to those of Castile. The captive women, being 
asked who these people were, who held them in captivity, 
"answered that they were Caribs : and when they came to 
understand that the Castilians held them in abhorrence for 
their evil custom of eating human beings, they were greatly 
rejoiced. When any Carib men or women w T ere brought 
on board, they privately told some of the men that they 
were Caribs, and although under the protection of the Cas- 



20 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

tilians, they seemed still to have a great fear for them. The 
Caribs were distinguished from the others, by their wearing 
on each leg two bands of cotton cloth, the one at the knee, 
and the other at the ankle ; by which means the calf of the 
leg became very large, and the parts confined by the ban- 
dages very much contracted. This they appeared to regard 
as a beauty, in addition to its serving as a mark by which 
they might know each other. Such are the Caribs, who 
have this evil custom. 

The island of which I have been speaking, is called 
Quaxuquena ; the one which was first discovered, Quaxiqui ; 
and the remaining one, Ayan. The inhabitants of all these 
are of one stock, as it were, and do not harm each other, 
though they make war upon all the neighboring islands, 
going sometimes, in these expeditions, as far as a hundred 
and fifty leagues, with many canoes, which are small boats 
that they have, made each from the trunk of a single tree, 
as has been described in the preceding chapter. Their 
weapons are arrows ; and in place of iron, which they do 
not possess, they use points made of the bones of the turtle, 
or the spines of a particular fish, which seem intended for 
the purpose, as much as if they were made of iron ; with 
these it is easy to do much injury, and even to kill ; though, 
to our Spaniards they are not a very formidable weapon. 
They make incursions into the other islands, and carry off 
the women that they find, especially the handsome girls, 
whom they keep for servants and concubines. There were 
more than twenty of these girls, among those that were 
brought on board the ships, who said the Caribs treated 
them with terrible cruelty, and, what seems incredible, that 
they were accustomed to eat the children that they had by 
them, and to rear only those that they had by the native 
women. The men that they find, they carry home, and 
kill them as they are wanted ; and those that they are 
obliged to kill in order to take, they eat on the spot ; and 
they say that there is no food in the world like the flesh of 
a man. This detestable custom of theirs was sufficiently 
proved by the bones which were found in their houses ; for 
all that could be eaten was completely gnawed off, and 
nothing was left but what they could not eat. for its tough- 
ness. In one of the huts, a man's neck was found boiling. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 21 

When they take any small boys, they cut off their privy 
members, and use them as servants till they are grown up, or 
till they choose to kill them, when they make a feast, and slay 
and eat them ; but they say that the flesh of boys and 
women is not so good as that of men. Three of these boys 
escaped and came to the ships, who all had this member 
cut off close to the belly. 

At the end of four days, the lost captain with his men 
returned. Their comrades had already given them up, 
having sent several other parties in search of them, which 
all came back, (one of them that same day,) without learning 
any thing of them. Their return caused great rejoicing on 
board the ships, as though a new treasure had been found. 
This captain and the men with him brought ten boys and 
women, but neither they nor the others of the exploring 
party could find any men, whether they had fled, or whether 
there were few of them at home, as the women said. The 
captain and his companions came back from the mountain 
in so forlorn a plight, that it was sad to see them. They 
said that they lost their way in consequence of the thickness 
of the forest, which was so great that they could not see the 
sky, and some who climbed the trees at night to look at the 
northern stars, could not succeed in seeing them ; and if 
they had not come upon the sea-coast, they would not have 
been able to find their way back. The fleet left this island, 
by the grace of God, eight days after their arrival there, and 
about noon of the next day, having been becalmed, reached 
another island, not very large, twelve leagues from the last. 
At this island they touched, but as they found it uninhabited, 
having been depopulated by the Caribs, they did not stop 
there. The same evening they saw an island, in approach- 
ing which in the night they found shallow, and did not dare 
to proceed, till it should be day. In the morning another 
and quite a large island appeared, but they did not stop at 
either, wishing to make haste to carry comfort to the men 
who had been left in Hispaniola, in the former voyage, and 
whom it was not God's pleasure that they should find alive — 
as will be related hereafter. 

The next day, they came to another island which made a 
fine appearance, and seemed well peopled. Here they 
went into port, and the Admiral sent a boat, with its comple- 

VOL. VIII. 3 



22 Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 

ment of men, to take if possible, some of the people, in 
order to learn of what race they were, and also to obtain 
information respecting the course they should pursue, — 
which was necessary, notwithstanding the Admiral, though 
he had never made this voyage before, was directing his 
course very accurately, as it turned out. Some of this 
boat's company went on shore, and came to a village, where 
the people had already concealed themselves, and took five 
or six women and boys, most of whom they knew to be 
captives, such as they had found in the other island, — for 
here, too, were Caribs. As the boat was about returning, a 
canoe, in which were four men, two women, and a boy, 
came up from below, and as soon as they saw the ships, they 
were so transfixed with astonishment, that for a whole hour 
they did not move from the same spot, about two gunshots 
from the ships. Meanwhile, they w T ere watched by the men 
in the boat, and by the whole fleet ; and they continued so 
lost in wonder, marvelling what this thing could be, that the 
boat succeeded, without being seen by them, in coming so 
near to them and to the land, that they could not escape by 
flight, though they tried hard for it, as did the boat's com- 
pany to prevent them. As soon as they saw that their 
flight was cut off, with great boldness they put their hands 
to their bows, the women as well as the men : I say with 
great boldness, because they were but four men and two 
women, against the boat's crew, and, indeed, against the 
whole squadron. The men in the boat were more than 
twenty-five, two of whom were wounded, one of them 
receiving two arrows, and the other, one in the side ; and if 
it had not been that they carried shields and bucklers, and 
that they contrived to get so near them, and that the Indi- 
ans, in their haste to attack them, overturned their canoe, 
more would have been wounded. After the canoe was 
upset, the Indians remained in the water, swimming, and as 
the water was shallow, and they made every effort to use 
their weapons, it was with great difficulty that they were 
taken ; and after all, one of them would have escaped, if he 
had not been badly wounded by a thrust from a lance, of 
which he died. 

These Caribs are distinguished from the others of whom I 
have spoken, by the fact that those of Cambi have their hair 
in great profusion, a little clipped, and on their heads various 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 23 

representations of crosses and other figures, according to the 
fancy of each individual, which are made with sharp reeds. 
The Caribs, as well as all the other Indians, are without 
beard, it being exceedingly rare to find a man who has 
any; for they pluck it all out before it is grown, so that they 
seem never to have had any. The Caribs who were taken 
at this place, had their eyes and eye-brows stained, which 
they do, as it seems, for ornament, and in doing it they suffer 
terribly. One of them said that in one of these islands, 
called Caris, — the one which they discovered first, and 
which the fleet did not visit, — there was plenty of gold, 
and that, if they had mattocks and implements for making 
roads, they might carry away as much as they pleased. 

The same day, the fleet set sail, at the end of six or seven 
hours, and after a time came in sight of another island, which 
lay in the way that they were to take. They came near it 
in the night ; and the next morning reached the coast, and 
found it a very large island, and the land very high, and, for 
the most part, without trees ; which they had not found to 
be the case with any other that they had as yet seen. They 
did not succeed in landing, except one caravel with lateen 
sails, whose crew went on shore and found fishermen's huts ; 
but the Indian women that they carried with them said the 
island was not inhabited. They sailed along the coast the 
greater part of that day : in the evening of the next, they 
reached another island, called Boriqui, along which they 
coasted the whole of one day, and they judged that the 
coast extended, on that side, thirty leagues. This island is 
very beautiful, and apparently fertile ; and is visited by the 
Caribs in their expeditions, who carry off great numbers of 
the people to be eaten. The inhabitants have no canoes, 
and no knowledge of navigation ; but they have bows and 
arrows, like the Caribs, with which they fight and defend 
themselves, and if they chance to gain the victory over their 
invaders, they eat them, in the same way as the Caribs 
would have done with them. The squadron remained in a 
harbor of this island two days, during which many of the 
men went on shore, but could take no prisoners, for all the 
people fled as if afraid of the Caribs. All these islands were 
discovered for the first time by the Admiral in this voyage: 
and though they were all very beautiful, this last appeared 
to surpass the rest. 



24 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

These are all the islands that the Admiral, in his first 
voyage, had left behind him, towards Spain, to be discov- 
ered ; though, indeed, it is believed that there must be 
islands forty or fifty leagues still nearer to Spain, because, 
before they first came in sight of land in this voyage, they 
saw some pelicans flying, which are a marine bird of prey, 
and do not alight nor sleep upon the water. These birds 
were seen, in the evening, to rise very high, wheeling round 
and round in the air, and then set off in search of land, 
where they might sleep ; and as it was late, they could not 
have gone more than twelve or fifteen leagues. This was 
on the right of the squadron, towards Spain ; and from the 
circumstance all inferred that there must be land in that di- 
rection, but they did not go in search of it, because it would 
have taken them out of their way, and delayed them on the 
voyage. 

The squadron left the island of Boriqui one morning, and 
the same day, before night, came in sight of land, which was 
not recognised by those who had been on the former 
voyage, but which, from the account of the Indian women 
on board, they suspected might be that Hispaniola, of which 
they were in search ; and in fact it was the same Hispaniola, 
called by the Indians Artilia. Between this and Boriqui, 
they passed another island, — but not a large one. 



CHAPTER 120. 

How they came to the island of Hispaniola, and found that 
the men, who had been left there, had been put to death. 

The Admiral, with his squadron, having thus arrived at 
Hispaniola, they found that part of the country, where they 
went into port, level, and very low : and they were all 
doubtful whether it was that island, for neither the Admiral 
nor the others had seen this part of it before. The island is 
very large, and is divided into provinces, the one in which 
they arrived being called Ahia, another, adjoining this, Sar- 
mana, and a third, Boio. From this port, the fleet proceeded 
some seven leagues, to a more elevated part of the island ; 
for the place where the men had been left by the Admiral, 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 25 

might be near the middle of the island. As they were going 
along, to the right of the province called Samana, the Ad- 
miral sent on shore, with some little trifles, one of the Indians 
whom he had carried home from his first voyage. The 
same day, the Biscayan, who had been wounded by the 
Caribs who were taken captive, died ; his death being occa- 
sioned by his imprudence. As they were sailing near the 
coast, a boat was sent on shore to bury him, and two cara- 
vels were sent to guard the boat. As soon as the boat 
touched the land, a great number of Indians came to it, 
some of whom wore gold on their necks and in their ears. 
They wished to return with the Christians to the ship ; but 
they did not choose to take them, because they had no per- 
mission from the Admiral ; and when they found that they 
would not take them, two of the Indians got into a canoe, 
and came to one of the caravels, whose men received them 
on board, with their canoe, and took them to the Admiral's 
ship. They said, through an interpreter, one of the Indians 
that were brought back from Spain, that a king of that pro- 
vince had sent them, to learn what people they were, and 
that he invited them to land, and that he would give the 
Admiral much gold, and provisions, such as he had. The 
Admiral sent him some shirts, and caps, and other trifles, 
and said that, as he was going to the residence of Guacana- 
rino, he could not stop ; but that, at some other time, he 
might be able to visit him. 

The squadron continued its voyage, till it came to a har- 
bor, which the Admiral called Mt. Juan, and in which they 
remained two days, to make observation of the face of the 
country ; for the Admiral had not yet found the spot, where 
he had left his infant colony. They landed, and found, near 
the place, a river of excellent water, but the land was all 
marshy and unsuited for habitation. While they were ob- 
serving the river and the land, some of the men fell in with 
two dead bodies, the one having a noose about the neck, 
and the other about the foot : and the next day, they found 
two other bodies, farther on, one of which was in such a 
condition, that they could perceive that it had much beard ; 
which led some of the men to suspect evil, the Indians, as 
has been said, being all without beard, and this harbor being 
but twelve leagues from the place where the Christians had 



26 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

been left in the first voyage. After two days, they set sail 
for this place, where the men had been left under protection 
of the Indian king of that province, called Guacanari, who 
appeared to be one of the principal chiefs of the island. 
Late in the same day, they arrived off the place, on the 
right, but there being shoals in the neighborhood, and it 
being the same place where the Admiral had lost his ship in 
the former voyage, they did not dare to enter the harbor till 
the next morning, when they might sound their way, and go 
in safely : so they remained, during the night, a league from 
land. In the evening, before they had come to anchor, a 
canoe appeared in the distance, and in it five or six Indians, 
coming in haste towards the fleet. The Admiral, supposing 
they would follow till they overtook it, did not choose to wait 
for them ; and they persevered in their attempt to reach the 
fleet, till they were about a gunshot from it, when they 
stopped, to observe the ships, and seeing that they did not 
wait for them, they returned. 

After they had anchored, the Admiral ordered two mus- 
kets to be fired, in order to see whether the Christians, who 
had been left with Guacanari, would answer; for they also 
had had muskets left with them : and the result of this ex- 
periment greatly afflicted the men, and excited a natural 
suspicion. While they were thus all filled with sadness, 
four or five hours having passed, the same canoe which they 
had before seen, came towards the fleet, the men in it calling 
out for the Admiral; and the captain of one of the caravels, 
which they first reached, brought them to the Admiral's 
-hip. They would not speak till the Admiral had first 
spoken to them, when they called for a light, that they might 
know him ; and after they had recognised him, they went 
on board his ship. One of them was a favorite of Guaca- 
nari's ; and after their first return, that evening, Guacanari 
had sent them back, with two baskets of gold, as presents, 
the one for the Admiral, and the other for the captain who 
was with him in the first voyage. They remained on board 
the ship, talking with the Admiral, in presence of all the rest, 
and expressing much pleasure, for three hours. Being 
asked concerning the Christians, who had been left there, 
the favorite answered that they were well, but that some of 
them had died from disease, and others in a quarrel, which 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 27 

had broken out among them : that Guacanari was in another 
village, wounded in the leg ; for which reason he had not 
come, but would come the next day : that two other kings, 
the one called Taonaboa, and the other Marienia, had come 
!to fight him, and had burned his village. The same night, 
they returned, saying that they would come again the next 
day with Guacanari ; and they departed, leaving the men on 
board the fleet greatly comforted. The next morning they 
remained waiting for Guacanari, but he did not come ; and 
in the mean time, some of the men went on shore, by the 
Admiral's command, and came to the village where Guaca- 
nari had been accustomed to reside, which they found 
burned, and to a house, tolerably fortified by a palisade, in 
which the Christians had dwelt, and which they had for 
their own, and this, too, they found burned and demolished. 
They found, also, some watch-cloaks and other garments, 
which the Indians had brought and thrown into the house. 
The Indians that they saw, were very shy, and would not 
venture to approach the Christians ; but by throwing them 
beads, and hawk's-bells, and other trinkets, they allured to 
them a kinsman of Guacanari, and three others, who went 
on board the boat, and were carried to the ship. Being 
asked concerning the Christians, they answered that they 
could not have believed what had happened. The kinsman 
of Guacanari, being asked who had killed them, said it was 
King Caonaboa and King Marienia ; that they had burned 
the dwellings of the village, that many had been wounded, 
that Guacanari was so at that time in another village, and 
that he would go immediately and bring him. After some- 
thing had been said in reply, he departed forthwith for the 
place where Guacanari was, and they remained, all the rest 
of that day, waiting for him, but he never came. 

The next day the Admiral went on shore, with some of 
his men, to the place where the town had stood, and where 
the Christians had been left, and found it entirely consumed : 
they saw the garments of the Christians in the grass, but 
found no dead body. Some suspected that Guacanari had 
slain them: — others asked, why should he burn his own 
town 1 The Admiral commanded that all the place, where 
the Christians had fortified themselves, should be dug over, 
because he had directed them, as soon as they obtained any 



28 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

considerable amount of gold, to bury it: and while this was 
going on, he went to visit a place, a league distant, which 
had seemed to him a good site for building a town. They 
came to a hamlet, of seven or eight huts, the Indians in 
which fled, as soon as they saw them, carrying off whatever 
of their property they could, and leaving the rest hidden in 
the grass near their huts. These were a race so brutish, 
that they had not sense enough to know where to steal to 
advantage : and being upon the sea-coast it was surprising 
to see how like brutes they lived, their huts filled with grass 
round about, and so mean, that it is a wonder how they 
lived. Here they found many things that had belonged to 
the Christians, such as a Moorish robe, which had never 
been unfolded, but remained just as it had been brought 
from Castile, and hose, and a part of the ship that was lost 
in the first voyage, and pieces of cloth, and other things : 
they found also some things, which had been kept with great 
care by the natives,— a little wicker vessel, much mended, 
and the skull of a man, very choicely kept, which they sup- 
posed might be that of a father, or mother, or of some king, 
preserved as a relic, agreeably to some custom of the coun- 
try. From this place, the Admiral and his companions re- 
turned to the spot where the town had stood, and found 
many Indians, with the men whom he had left there digging 
in search of any gold which might have been hidden there 
by the Christians; and they had assisted them in finding 
gold to the amount of a mark's weight,* and had shown 
them where were the dead bodies of the Christians, already 
covered by the grass, which had grown above them. These 
Indians all said, with one voice, that Caonaboa and Marienia 
had slain them ; but they declared that the Christians kept 
three or four wives each, which, with the jealousy excited 
by their doings with the Indian women, and some outrages 
committed by them, which had aroused the people to put 
them to death, had been the cause of the calamity, that had 
befallen these unhappy men. 

The next morning, because he had no convenient place, 
in which to remain till he could ascertain the truth of all this, 
the Admiral sent a caravel to explore in one direction, while 

* Eight ounces. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 29 

he himself went in the opposite ; and he found a very safe 
harbor, with a shore excellently suited for mooring vessels. 
When he returned, the caravel, which had taken the other 
direction, and in which had gone Melchor, and four or five 
others, all cavaliers of worth, had already arrived. As these 
were coasting along, a canoe came towards them, with two 
Indians, one a brother of Guacanari, w r hom a pilot on board 
the caravel recognised, and caUed out " Who goes there V 9 
They answered, as the pilot said, that Guacanari begged 
them to come on shore, to the place where he was residing, 
which was a town of some sixty dwellings. The principal 
men in the caravel went on shore, to the place where Gua- 
canari was, and found him lying in his bed, playing the part 
of a sick and wounded man. They conversed with him, 
asking concerning the Christians, and in reply, he told 
the same story as the rest ; that Caonboa and Mariena had 
killed them, and had wounded him in his thigh, which he 
showed them, bound up, so that they believed it was as he 
said. When they took their leave, he gave each one a 
trinket of gold, according to what he supposed to be the 
rank of each, judging from their dress. The Indians wrought 
the gold into very thin leaves, for masks ; they also fashioned 
it to be worn upon the head, and to hang from the ears and 
nostrils ; and for all these purposes, they wrought it with 
much delicacy, as, indeed, they must. They kept none of it 
as an article of wealth, or a thing of great value, but only 
for its beauty. 

Guacanari, by signs, or as he best could, desired his vis- 
J iters to ask the Admiral to come and see him, as he was 
J thus wounded ; and as soon as the Admiral arrived, they 
J told him their adventure, and the Admiral determined, the 
J next morning, to go as Guacanari requested. He arrived at 
i the place, with his companions, within three hours, the dis- 
I tance from the fleet being about three leagues. When they 
! arrived, it being the hour for eating, the Admiral ate before 
landing, and then immediately ordered all the captains to 
put off in their boats for the shore ; for, before they started, 
that morning, Guacanari's brother had come to speak with 
the Admiral, and urge him to make haste to go where Gua- 
canari was. The Admiral went on shore, and with him all 
his men of note, in such gallant trim, that even in a large 

VOL. VIII. 4 



30 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

city they would have made a fine appearance. He took 
some things with him for a suitable present to Guacanari ; 
for, they had already received a considerable quantity of 
gold from him, and it was proper to make some return 
for his courtesy. When the Admiral, with his captains and 
men of note, arrived at the house in which Guacanari was, 
they found him lying in his bed, which was made of cotton, 
like a net, and suspended in the air, as is the custom of 
these people. He did not rise, but made a salutation in his 
bed as well as he knew how. He spoke with much feel- 
ing, and with tears in his eyes, of the death of the Chris- 
tians, and began to tell how some of them had died of dis- 
ease, and how others had gone to Caonaboa's country to 
seek for gold mines, and had been put to death there, and 
the rest had been attacked and slain in their own town. 
From the appearance of the dead bodies, this might have 
happened two months before. 

At this time, Guacanari gave the Admiral eight marks and 
a half of gold, and five or six belts, set with stones of va- 
rious colors, and a cap, wrought in the same style ; which 
last he gave him with great veneration. Among those who 
were present, were the Doctor Chanca from Seville, and 
another surgeon of the squadron ; and the admiral told Gua- 
canari that these were men skilful in curing diseases and 
injuries, and that he had better show them his wound. He 
answered that he would gladly do so. The Doctor told 
him it would be necessary that he should, if possible, go 
out of the house, which was too dark for him to see well ; 
which he immediately did, (I believe, rather from embarrass- 
ment than from inclination,) leaning upon the Doctor. When 
he was seated, the surgeon came, and began to unbind him ; 
and then Guacanari told the Admiral that the wound had 
been made by a stone. The bandages being removed, the 
doctor and the surgeon examined him, and* found nothing 
the matter with that leg, more than with the other ; though 
he pretended that it was very painful. This certainly in- 
creased the suspicions of these two men ; but with all this, 
a cautious man could not easily determine what was the 
truth in this matter, the facts, from which to judge, being 
involved in such obscurity ; for certainly there were many 
things to show that a hostile people had been there. The 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 31 

Admiral himself did not know what to do ; but it seemed 
to him, as to many others, that for the present, until the truth 
could be satisfactorily ascertained, it would be best to dis- 
semble, for that after the truth should be known, whoever 
chose might seek satisfaction. 

In the evening, Guacanari went with the Admiral to the 
ships, and they showed him the horses, and other things on 
board, at which he was greatly astonished, as something 
very strange. He took some refreshment on board, and re- 
turned, > the same evening, to his house. The Admiral told 
him that he wished to live there with him, and to build houses 
there : he answered, that this pleased him, but that the 
place was unhealthy, on account of its being damp, which it 
certainly was. All this passed through interpreters, two In- 
dians, who had been carried to Seville by the Admiral, and 
brought back by him : and these two were all that remained 
of seven, that left Seville, five having died on the voyage ; 
and these escaped by a miracle, having been in great dan- 
ger. The next day, they remained at anchor in the harbor. 
Guacanari wished to know when the Admiral would leave ; 
he sent him word that he should depart the next day ; and 
the same day Guacanari's brother, before spoken of, and 
others, came to the ship, and brought gold with them. 
There were in the ship ten of the captive women, that had 
been taken in the islands of Berriquen ; and this brother of 
Guacanari spoke to them, and suggested to them a plan, 
which they put in execution that night, as follows : when the 
men were in their first sleep, they let themselves down, very 
quietly, into the water, and swam to land ; and when it was 
discovered, two of them had already escaped, and the rest 
had gone so far that the boats could recover only four, whom 
they took as they came out of the water. The distance 
which they swam was a long half-league. The next morn- 
ing, the Admiral sent to tell Guacanari to send back these 
women, who had escaped the preceding evening, or direct 
instant search to be made for them ; but when the messen- 
gers came to the village, they found it deserted, and not a 
single person in it. 

This day, the squadron remained in port, the weather not 
being favorable for going out. The next morning, the Ad- 
miral sent all the boats in search of a harbor ; and they 



82 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

coasted along, looking a favorable spot for a settlement 
The Indians of this neighborhood had not become familiar 
with the Castilians, and they came to a village from which 
all the inhabitants had fled : here they found, at a distance 
from the huts, stretched out upon the mountain, an Indian, 
wounded in the shoulders by a dart, so that the breath was 
expelled through the wound, which had prevented his flee- 
ing farther. The natives of this island of Hispaniola (called 
by them Ayte) fight with darts, or sharp sticks, which they 
throw with straps, as our boys do here in Castile. They 
throw them very far, and with sufficient accuracy to do great 
mischief to people who have no armor. This wounded 
Indian told the Admiral that Caonboa and his men had 
wounded him, and had burned the dwellings of Guacanari ; 
so that, with their imperfect knowledge of the facts, and the 
uncertainty of the whole matter, the Admiral and all the 
rest were left in doubt, and could not satisfy themselves how 
the death of the Christians had happened. 

Not finding a healthy site for a settlement in this region, 
the Admiral determined to return, by the coast, to the place 
where he had first touched on his arrival from Castile ; be- 
cause the accounts of gold had reference to that quarter. 
The weather was so unfavorable, and the way so long, that 
three months had passed before they landed : and it pleased 
our Lord that, in consequence of this bad weather, which 
did not suffer them to go farther, they should land in the 
best place that could have been selected, where there was a 
large harbor, and a good and abundant fishery, of which they 
stood much in need, for they had become tired of their meat, 
and could obtain none in all this island, which was so richly 
adapted to produce everything. Close at hand was a large 
river, and hard by another, of considerable size, of very ex- 
cellent water. Here he commenced building a city, to 
which he gave the name of Isabella, upon the river empty- 
ing into the sea, in a very beautiful situation, where an open 
plain extended to the water, bounded by a ridge of sharp 
rocks, so that on this side there was no need of any other 
defence. The other side was surrounded by a thicket, so 
close that a rabbit could hardly make his way through it, and 
so green, that at no season could it be set on fire. They 
began by sowing a variety of garden-seeds, which they had 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 33 

brought from home ; and they grew more in eight days 
than they would have done in Castile in twenty. The lay- 
ing out and commencement of the settlement having been 
made, the Admiral set about forming acquaintances with the 
captains or kings of the region, who are there called Ca- 
ciques. They brought him their articles of food, and many 
Indians were continually coming to barter, with gold, or 
loaded with maize, which is an excellent vegetable, like cole- 
wort, growing under ground, from which they prepare va- 
rious kinds of food which are very nourishing, and upon which 
these people sustain themselves, in the room of bread. 
There is another vegetable, which they call ajes, and which 
likewise grows under ground ; and another called cazari ; 
with many other kinds of vegetables and fruits, all very dif- 
ferent from those which we have here in Castile. 

What could be learned concerning this people, was, that 
they were very simple and ignorant, and felt no shame in 
going about naked as they were born. The women, for the 
most part, wore a mantle of cotton, bound about the hips, or 
a skirt made of the leaves of trees. Their ornament con- 
sisted in painting themselves, some black, others white, and 
red, and other colors, in such variety, that it was a laugha- 
ble thing to see them. Their heads were shaved in spots, 
and in spots locks of hair were left, in more ways than can 
be described : and whatever our men did to their heads, 
they thought it would bring good luck if they should do it 
to theirs. Indeed, it seemed that these people, if they could 
have understood our language, would have wished at once 
to become Christians ; for whatever they saw the Christians 
do, they did the same ; kneeling, clasping their hands, repeat- 
ing the paternoster, the ave-maria, and other prayers, cross- 
ing themselves, and saying that they wished to be Chris- 
tians. They were in fact idolaters, for in their houses were 
images of various sorts, all very deformed and ugly. They 
also carried these shut up in cases, and in belts of cotton ; 
and being asked what they were, they answered " Ture" 
which means something belonging to heaven ; and if the 
Christians would take these images away from them, telling 
them they were a detestable thing, and they should throw 
them in the fire, they manifested much sorrow, and it 
seemed that they felt much devotion towards them. They 



34 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez, 

thought, moreover, that the Castilians, and everything 
which they had, had all come from heaven, and they called 
them all " Turey" which means, in their language, heaven. 
As soon as they had established themselves, and com- 
menced their settlement, the Castilians spread themselves 
over this region, and soon saw the admirable things which 
were to be found in this island, or rather, this province. 
They found that there were trees, w T hich bore wool, and 
very fine too, so that those who understand the art say that 
very rich cloths may be made from it ; and these trees are 
so numerous that whole caravels might be freighted with the 
wool. It is difficult to gather it, because the trees are very 
thorny ; but a way of doing it might easily be devised. They 
saw an immense quantity of cotton, upon trees, which pro- 
duce it perpetually, and which are of the size of a peach- 
tree : also trees which bore wax, like that of bees in color 
and taste, and burning like it,- — there being little difference 
between the two. There are an infinite number of trees 
producing excellent and very fine turpentine : a great deal 
of gum tragacanth, also very good : and trees, which ap- 
peared to the naturalists who went out in the fleet, to be the 
same which bear the nutmeg, except that they were without 
fruit ; and they judged them to be the same from the taste 
and smell of the twigs and the bark. They saw a root of 
ginger, which an Indian carried suspended from his neck : 
there are also aloes, not like those which have been seen in 
Castile, but undoubtedly a species of the same plant. They 
found, also, a kind of cinnamon, though not so fine as that 
which is brought by way of Alexandria; which may be ow- 
ing to its not being gathered at the proper season, or per- 
haps to the nature of the soil. There are likewise the 
lemon-colored myrobalans, but they found none except un : 
der the tree, and the ground being very moist, these were 
spoiled : they had a very bitter taste, which they supposed 
to be owing to their being spoiled ; for in everything ex- 
cept the taste, they were like the genuine myrobalans. 
There is pepper, also, very good, and twice as strong as that 
which we use. It grows upon bushes, like a garden-plant, 
is not so hard as that which is brought to us from Alexan- 
dria, and a little larger, and is considered very medicinal 
and very valuable by the Indians, who plant and gather it. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 35 

As the people of all these islands are destitute of iron, it 
is wonderful to see their tools, which are of stone, very 
sharp and admirably made; such ag axes, adzes, and other 
instruments, which they use in constructing their dwellings. 
Their food is bread, made from roots, which God has given 
them instead of wheat ; for they have neither wheat, nor 
rye, nor barley, nor oats, nor spelt- wheat, nor panic-grass, 
nor anything resembling them. There is cassavi, which is 
collected in clusters, resembling the panic-grass, except that 
the grains are larger and whiter. There is also maize, and 
ajes, and other vegetables and roots, upon which they have 
lived, up to this time, and other healthful fruits and articles 
of food, which God has given them, wherewith to nourish 
and sustain themselves, and with which they have nourished 
and sustained themselves since God our Lord placed them 
there. No kind of food, which the Castilians had as yet 
tasted, was like anything that we have here. There were 
no beans, nor chick-peas, nor vetches, nor lentils, nor lupines, 
nor any quadruped or animal, excepting some small dogs, 
and the others, which look like large rats, or something be- 
tween a large rat and a rabbit ; and are very good and sa- 
vory for eating, and have feet and paws like rats, and climb 
trees. The dogs are of all colors, white, black, &c. There 
are lizards, and snakes, but not many, for the Indians eat 
them, and think them as great a dainty, as partridges are to 
the Castilians. The lizards are like ours in size, but differ- 
ent in shape; — though, in a little island, near the harbor 
called Mt. Juan, where the squadron remained several days, 
a lizard was several times seen, as large around as a young 
calf, and as smooth as a lance ; and several times they un- 
dertook to kill it, but could not, on account of the thickness 
of the trees ; and it fled into the sea. Besides eating lizards 
and snakes, these Indians devour all the spiders and worms 
that they find, so that their beastliness appears to exceed 
that of any beast. -J j^ g^fJQ^ 

The Admiral had with him on this voyage," as I ftave said, 
seventeen vessels, of which four were ships, and thirteen 
caravels, and on board them, twelve hundred fighting men, 
to remain there and prosecute the conquest of the country, 
and to learn the truth concerning the gold, and to obtain it 
for the King and Queen, either by consent of the inhabitants, 



36 i Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

or by force. He also brought out twenty-four horses, ten 
mares, and three mules, swine, goats, cows, and sheep, a 
few of each, for breeding, for which the country was very 
well suited, being much more healthy for animals than for 
men. The Admiral had determined to send back the ves- 
sels to Castile, before going to search for the gold mines, 
according to the information which he had obtained from the 
Indians. One of these mines was in Cibao, which is a pro- 
vince abounding in gold, and the other in the dominions of 
King Caonaboa, who was very powerful in that country. 
They met with many indications that much gold was to be 
found in the country : in more than fifty rivers, and brooks, 
and springs, they found much gold, which might be col- 
lected ; and samples were brought from all parts : and they 
believed that when they had gained possession of the coun- 
try, great quantities of gold might easily be obtained, since 
it was found in the sands of the streams, and the Indians did 
not dig more than a foot into the earth, having no implements 
for the purpose. 

Having obtained this information, the Admiral despatched 
the vessels for Castile, keeping such as he thought neces- 
sary ; and he sent all the gold he could obtain, for the King 
and Queen. The ships arrived at Cadiz, where they did 
not dare to land till the bishop Don Juan de Fonseca should 
be there, that they might deliver to him the gold. This 
form was afterwards kept up, and all the vessels which came 
from the Indies, went into Cadiz, and there delivered what 
they had brought to this dignitary, until their Highnesses 
promoted him to a higher office than this, and raised him to 
the honor, which he deserved, of being their Ambassador to 
the Emperor of Flanders, to treat concerning the intermar- 
riage of their children. They created him Bishop of Bada- 
joz, and afterwards of Cordova, and afterwards of Valencia, 
advancing him from good to better ; and all these dignities 
were worthily sustained. After he relinquished the charge 
of the fleets, and the reception of the gold, other forms and 
regulations were established for its reception. In this same 
year, 1494, in which the vessels arrived from the Indies, 
leaving in Hispaniola the Admiral and his men, commencing 
the building of their town, Don Juan de Fonseca sent 
another squadron with supplies for this colony, of breads 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 37 

wine, and other provisions, which came in good time, and 
were of great use to them. The vessels arrived from the 
Indies in March, 1494, and the squadron with the provisions 
was despatched a few days afterwards. 

The Admiral had not forgotten the death of the thirty- 
nine men who had been slain, but made investigation, and 
ascertained from the Indians themselves, who it was that had 
killed them. He made incursions into the interior, and cap- 
tured vast numbers of the natives ; and the second time that 
he sent home, he sent five hundred Indian men and women, 
all in the flower of their age, between twelve years and 
thirty-five, or thereabouts, all of whom were delivered at 
Seville to Don Juan de Fonseca. They came, as they went 
about in their own country, naked as they w T ere born ; from 
which they experienced no more embarrassment than the 
brutes. They were sold, but proved of very little service, 
for the greater part of them died, from the climate. 

A division arose between the Admiral and some of the 
men under his command, who were unwilling to obey, and 
who said that the King and Queen had been deceived in 
being told that there was so much gold in the country : 
they declared that this was not true ; and that if there really 
was any gold, it would cost as much and more than it was 
worth, to find and obtain it. Many persons here in Castile 
gave credit to this representation, and there was great mur- 
muring against the Admiral. He, as sovereign over these 
men, sent several of them home as prisoners, and among 
them, Fernin Zedo, a citizen of Seville, who had gone out 
as an artisan to detect and refine the gold, and who now 
scoffed at the idea of gold, and said, as did others, that the 
gold which the Indians had, and had given to the Admiral, 
had been in their possession a long time, and had been 
handed down in succession from their ancestors. The Ad- 
miral also sent Bernardo de Piza, alguacil of the court, and 
others, who were delivered as prisoners at Seville. Hence 
arose many complaints against the Admiral, and all very un- 
just, as the truth afterwards appeared. All this happened 
after he had gone to discover the continent at the south, 
where he was detained four or five months of the year 1494. 

VOL. VIII. 5 



38 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 



CHAPTER 121. 

How the Admiral went to search for gold, in the province of 
Cibao ; and ivhat he thought of the country ; and of the 
fortress, which he built. 

After the departure of the vessels, as above related, from 
the infant city of Isabella, under the command of Antonio de 
Torres, brother of the nurse of the Prince Don Juan, which 
was on the 3d of February, 1494, the Admiral bestirred 
himself in fortifying the city, and arranging various matters, 
which were calculated to improve the condition and manner 
of living of its inhabitants. Having done something towards 
this, he set out, on the 12th of March, with the requisite 
number of men, both foot and horse, to visit the province of 
Cibao, distant from the city eighteen leagues, towards the 
south. He arrived at the province, after crossing a level 
tract, and passing several harbors, to which he made a level 
road : and here in Cibao he built a fortress, in which he 
placed a number of men, with a magistrate, and workmen 
for the building, in order to subdue the people of this region. 

Cibao, the name of the province, signifies rocky ; for the 
country is very much broken into hills and mountains, very 
high, and covered with rocks, though, for the most part, not 
very rough ; without trees, but not without grass, for the 
country is very fertile in grass, which resembles the panic- 
grass, but is thicker, and grows higher than corn, in some 
places reaching to the horses' saddles; and so it continues 
at all seasons, unless it is burned. Under this grass, all 
these mountains and hills are full of gijarros (?)* large and 
round as those in rivers, or on the sea-shore, all, or the 
greater part of them blue. The whole province is a very 
strong country, and easily defended, temperate and very 
salubrious, and it rains there very frequently. At the foot 
of each hill, is a brook or river, small or large, according to 
the size of the mountain : the water is pure, pleasant to the 
taste, cold, and not harsh, like some other waters, which are 
injurious to the constitution, but, on the contrary, it is medi- 

* Guijarros? Pebbles. 






Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 39 

cinal, and a remedy for the stone, many persons having 
been cured by it. In all these brooks and hills there is 
much gold, in grains. 



CHAPTER 122. 

Of the gold, and the experiments made upon it ; and how the 
Indians collected it. 

The fortress, which the Admiral built in Cibao, he called 
St. Thomas ; and while he was there, engaged in the 
building of it, many Indians came, eager for the hawk's- 
bells and other trifles, none of which were given them, till 
they had first brought gold ; and when this was told to 
them, they ran to the river, and in less than an hour each 
one of them would bring back a leaf, or a shell, full of grains 
of gold. One old Indian brought two grains, weighing 
three castellanos ; being larger than any that the Admiral 
had as yet seen, excepting one, which Guacanari had pre- 
sented to him, and which he had sent by the captain Anto- 
nio de Torres to the King and Queen, with other smaller 
ones. The greater part of these had been melted down, if 
Fernin Zedo was to be believed, who passed for a man of 
great science in relation to gold, though he was mistaken in 
this case, for the grains were native, and had not been 
melted ; and it afterwards turned out that Fernin Zedo 
knew very little about the matter. He also told the Admi- 
ral that some of the grains were not pure gold, but had 
been adulterated with brass ; for saying which he had no 
authority, and here too he was wrong, for it was ascertained 
that the foreign substance came from the mine, where the 
gold was found ; and besides, it is not probable that the 
Indians w T ould mix brass with gold, since they value the for- 
mer a hundred times more highly than the latter. 

When he received the two grains from the old man, the 
Admiral gave him a hawk's-bell, which he took with as 
great joy, and was as well pleased, as if he had had a 
present of a rich town. He told the Admiral that these 
grains were small, in comparison with some that there were 
in his country, which was five leagues distant ; and he repre- 



40 Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 

sented their size by stones as large as a walnut, saying that 
he had found grains of that size, and larger. Others said 
that grains were sometimes found as large as an orange, 
and larger ; and others had seen them as large as a stone 
which they pointed out, and which weighed a dozen pounds. 
The largest which has actually been seen, up to this time, 
was a grain of eight castellanos. 

The Indians, hereabout, are a brutish race, lazy, and 
averse to labor, which disposition they manifest in relation to 
dress ; for their winter is quite cold, and they, although they 
have no wool, have abundance of cotton, with which they 
might clothe themselves, and make much cloth, and defend 
themselves from the weather ; but their indolence makes 
them prefer to go about like brutes, suffering from the cold 
and the heat. The Admiral returned to the city of Isabella, 
from Cibao, leaving the party there in good condition, in 
order to go and discover the Indian continent ; thinking that 
in this way he might find the great and very rich city of Ca- 
thay, which is in the dominions of the Grand Khan. 



CHAPTER 123. 

How the Admiral went on a Voyage of Discovery. 

The Admiral set out, to discover the Indian continent, on 
the 24th day of April, 1494. He left in the city as presi- 
dent, his brother, a friar, who was called Brother Benedict : 
and he prescribed the duties, which each one was to per- 
form. He took with him three caravels, having the common 
sails, and in a few days arrived at the very excellent harbor 
of St. Nicholas, which was in the island of Hispaniola, over 
against cape Alfaito, in Juana, which was supposed to be an 
island, but which was in fact a continent, this being the ex- 
treme cape of the Indies in this direction. For this cape he 
steered, and arrived there, and instead of following the 
northern coast, as he had done in his former voyage, sailed 
towards the west along the other coast, on the southern side. 
Both these coasts run towards the west, the one a little to 
the north, and the other to the south ; for the land is narrow 
at first, and widens as you go on. Leaving the land on his 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 41 

right, the Admiral sailed on, thinking to run round the island, 
and then proceed from the cape on his proposed voyage, the 
object of which was to seek the province and city of Ca- 
thay, which he said might be reached by this route. This 
province is in the dominions of the Grand Khan, and, as 
described, by John de Mandeville, and others who have 
seen it, is the richest province in the world, and the most 
abundant in gold, and silver, and other metals, and silks. 
The people are all idolaters, and are a very acute race, 
skilled in necromancy, learned in all the arts, and courteous : 
and of this place many marvels are written, which may be 
found in the narrative of the noble English knight, John de 
Mandeville, who visited the country, and lived for some time 
with the Grand Khan. Whoever wishes to inform himself 
on this subject, may read the 85th, 87th, and 88th chapters 
of his book, where he will find that the city of Cathay is very 
noble and rich, that the province takes its name from the 
city, and that both province and city are in the region of the 
Indies near the country of Prester John, and in the northern 
part of the continent, where the Admiral sought for them. 

It must needs have taken a long time to reach this place, 
for the Grand Khan was anciently lord of the people of Bu- 
hia and Bahia, and we may say that the great Tartary begins 
from the boundary of Hungary, which is a country lying, in 
relation to Andalusia, in the direction in which the sun rises 
in the month when the days are longest; and in that direc- 
tion merchants are accustomed to go to the country. By 
the route which the Admiral had taken in his search for Ca- 
thay, it is my belief that after going round the earth, by sea 
and land, twelve hundred leagues farther, he would not 
have reached it. And so I told him, and made him know 
and understand, in the year 1496, when he first returned 
to Castile after this expedition, and when he was my guest, 
and left with me some of his papers, in presence of Don 
Juan de Fonseca. From these papers I have drawn, and 
have compared them with others, which were written by that 
honorable gentleman, the Doctor Chanca, and other noble 
gentlemen, who were with the Admiral in the voyages 
already described. From these I have obtained my infor- 
mation : and I have written this account of the Indies, as a 
wonderful and notable matter, which it pleased our Lord to 



42 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

bring to light in the happy reign of Queen Isabella, the first 
wife of King Ferdinand. 

The Admiral, supposing Juana to be an island, proceeded 
along the coast, a great distance. He inquired of the In- 
dians, whether it was an island or a continent ; but they are 
a stupid race, who think that all the world is an island, and 
do not know what a continent is ; who have no written lan- 
guage, nor records of antiquity, and delight in nothing else 
but in eating and in women : and so they said that it was an 
island, though some said it was an island which he could not 
sail round in forty moons. As he followed the coast, the land 
continued to stretch out more and more, on the south, so 
that he thought it best to return to Juana, and sail west, and 
thence north ; in which way he thought he might find the 
noble city and most rich province of Cathay. He was obliged 
to follow a route, which led him farther from the land, and 
enabled him to discover the island of Jamaica, whence he re- 
turned, and sailed along the coast of the continent seventy 
days, going very near the Aurea, at the end of which time, 
he turned back, from fear of the weather, the great length 
of the voyage, and the want of provisions. While on this 
voyage, it occurred to him that, if he should be prospered, 
he might succeed in returning to Spain by the east, going 
to the Ganges, thence to the Arabian gulf, thence, by land, 
from Ethiopia to Jerusalem, and to Joppa, where he might 
embark on the Mediterranean, and arrive at Cadiz. The 
passage might certainly be made in this way, but the part of 
it made by land would be very perilous, for from Ethiopia to 
Jerusalem the inhabitants are all Moors. Moreover, it might 
be accomplished wholly by water, by going to Calaud, which 
is a city discovered by the Portuguese ; and in order not to 
go by land, but all the way by water, it would be necessary 
to sail round the country of the negroes, and return by the 
way by which the Portuguese come from Calaud with their 
spices. Suffice it to say, that the Admiral, after having pro- 
ceeded in this voyage, three hundred and twenty leagues, 
of four miles each, from cape Alfaeto, returned by a differ- 
ent route from that by which he went. As he passed this 
cape, which is at the extremity of the land called Juana, he 
erected crosses there, and took possession for their High- 
nesses ; which was well done, since this cape appeared to 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 43 

be the extreme point of the continent at the west, between 
which and cape St. Vincent, in Portugal, is embraced the 
entire population of the world : so that whoever will set out 
from cape St. Vincent, may go constantly towards the east, 
without crossing any sea, till he arrives at cape Alfaeto ; and 
may return again, in the same way to cape St. Vincent : — 
and may God speed him on his journey. 



CHAPTER 124. 

How the Admiral came to a country, where the trees bear 
fruit twice a year : of the fishes and serpents which they 
found : and how they went to Jamaica. 

To go back, and state more particularly the islands, lands, 
and seas, which the Admiral discovered in this voyage : — 
he pursued his course, as it has been described, till he came 
to a large and most excellent harbor, which he called Puerto 
Grande. In this country, the trees and plants bear fruit 
twice in the year ; a fact which was satisfactorily ascertained : 
and from these fruits a most delicious odor arose, which could 
be perceived at some distance on the water. There were 
no habitations in this harbor, but as they went in, they saw 
several fires burning, close to the water, and a dog, and two 
beds, but no men. They landed, and found more than four 
quintals of fish, upon spits, before the fires, and rabbits, and 
two serpents ; and very near they saw, at the foot of the 
trees, in many places, a great many serpents, the most nasty, 
hideous, ugly creatures, that any human being ever saw, all 
with their mouths sewed up. They were all of the color of 
dry wood, the skin of the whole body very much wrinkled, 
especially on the head, where it came down over the eyes, 
which were terribly venomous ; and all were covered with 
very hard shells, like the scales of a fish, and from the head 
to the end of the tail, along the middle of the body, were 
long, ugly projections, sharp as points of diamond. The 
Admiral ordered the fish to be taken, and with them re- 
freshed his men. Afterwards, as they were going in a boat 
in search of a harbor, there came from a point of the high- 
lands a great number of people, to whom they made signs 



44 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

that they should approach ; and one of them did so. The 
Admiral had an Indian, whom he employed as an interpre- 
ter, one of those that had been to Castile, and who under- 
stood the Castilian language very well, and also that of the 
Indians. The strange Indian spoke from the summit of a 
rock ; and when he heard the other, he lost his fears, 
and called his companions, who were about seventy men, 
and who said that they were going hunting,* by command 
of their cacique, for a feast which he wished to make. The 
Admiral commanded that hawk's-bells and other little trin- 
kets should be given them, and begged them to pardon him 
for having taken their fish, saying that he had touched no- 
thing else ; and when they learned that he had not taken 
the serpents, they rejoiced greatly, and replied that he was 
welcome to what he had taken, and that they would fish 
again that night. 

The next day, before sunrise, the Admiral set sail from 
this place, towards the west, following the coast of the coun- 
try, which they saw to be very beautiful, and thickly settled. 
As they perceived the vessels, great numbers of men and 
boys, small and great, came running to the shore to see 
them, bringing bread and other things to eat, showing the 
bread and gourds full of water, and crying " Eat, take, peo- 
ple from heaven ! " — they asked them to land, and go to 
their houses; and some came in canoes for the same pur- 
pose. In this way they sailed along, till they came to a 
gulf, where there were a vast number of villages, and the 
lands and fields all looked like the most beautiful gardens in 
the world ; the land being elevated and mountainous. They 
anchored here, and immediately the people of the region 
came, and brought them bread, water, and fish. At day- 
break the next morning, they departed, and having gone as 
far as to a certain cape, the Admiral determined to quit this 
route, and sail towards the south, in search of Jamaica : and 
the wind being propitious, at the end of two days and two 
nights, they arrived, and landed in that island. 

This is the most beautiful country that eyes have seen : it 
is not mountainous, though the land appears to approach the 
heavens : it is very large, larger than Sicily, being eight hun- 

* Probably for fish :— see post, chap. 126. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 45 

dred miles in circuit : it is filled with valleys, and fields, and 
plains, and is fertile beyond measure ; so that even to the wa- 
ter's edge, as well as in the interior, it is covered with settle- 
ments, very extensive, and not more than a quarter of a 
league from each other. They have more canoes here, and 
larger, than in any other region hitherto discovered, each 
made in one piece, from the trunk of a tree ; and each ca- 
cique in all that neighborhood has a large canoe, which he 
takes as much pride in using, as a nobleman here would 
take in keeping a large and beautiful ship. They have them 
wrought, from stem to stern, with various figures and paint- 
ings, so that their beauty is admirable. The Admiral meas- 
ured one of the large ones, which was ninety-six feet long, 
and eight feet wide. 



CHAPTER 125. 

Of the Island of Jamaica, 

As soon as the Admiral approached the land, in this island 
of Jamaica, immediately there came out against him, a 
league into the sea, some seventy canoes, filled with men 
armed with darts, in warlike array ; but when they saw that 
the Admiral and his men, with their three caravels, went on 
their way without noticing them, they were frightened, and 
took to flight. He kept his caravels in order, and a herald 
came off to one of them, and people with him, to whom the 
Admiral gave clothing, and many other things which they 
prized very highly, and dismissed them. He anchored at 
a village, to which he gave the name of Santa Gloria, as 
showing his sense of the beauty of the glorious country ; 
for the gardens of Valencia are not to be compared to any 
part of this whole island. They slept there that night, and 
the next morning, at daybreak, went to search for a secure 
harbor, for the purpose of cleaning and repairing the vessels. 
Having gone four leagues towards the west, they found a 
most excellent harbor, and the Admiral having sent a boat to 
explore the entrance, there came out against it two canoes, 
with many men in them, who threw a great many darts at 
the boat, but fled immediately, as soon as they saw signs of 

VOL. VIII. 6 



46 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

resistance, though not so swiftly as entirely to escape chas- 
tisement. 

The Admiral entered the harbor and anchored ; and so 
many Indians came down to the shore, that they completely 
covered it. They were painted with a thousand colors, but 
the greater part black, and all naked, according to their 
custom : they wore feathers of various sorts on their heads, 
and had their breasts and bellies covered with palm-leaves : 
they made a horrible screaming, and threw their darts, but 
could not reach the vessels. As it would be necessary to 
obtain water at this place, and timber for repairing the ves- 
sels, the Admiral saw that it would not be proper to let 
these men go, without such punishment for their boldness, 
as would make them more cautious in future. In order to 
let them know something of the arms of Castilians, they 
came near them with their cross-bows, and when they had 
made some good shots, and the Indians were becoming ter- 
rified, they leaped on shore, discharging their cross-bows as 
they went. When the Indians saw that the Castilians were 
coming upon them, they all took to flight, men and women, 
so that not one remained in the whole region ; and a dog, 
which had leaped from one of the vessels, followed them, and 
bit them, doing them great injury ; for one dog, against the 
Indians, is worth ten men. 

The next day, before sunrise, six of these Indians came 
to the shore, calling aloud, and saying to the Admiral that 
all the caciques begged him not to land, and that they would 
come to see him, and bring bread, and fish, and fruits. 
This message greatly pleased the Admiral, who pledged to 
them his friendship and his faith ; and the caciques, with 
many Indians, came to him, and brought a great supply of 
provisions, with which the men were greatly refreshed, 
having abundance of everything, as long as they remained 
there ; while the Indians were much pleased with the things 
which the Admiral gave them. And the vessels being re- 
paired, and the men rested, they departed from this place. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 47 

CHAPTER 126. 

Of a great number of Islands, which ivere Discovered. 

The Admiral set sail, with his three caravels, and sailed 
twenty-four leagues towards the west, as far as the gulf 
Buen Tiempo ; and the weather being unfavorable for fol- 
lowing the coast of Jamaica, — respecting which island they 
had ascertained, that there was no gold in it, nor any other 
metal, though, for the rest, it is like a paradise, and richer 
than gold could make it, — he took advantage of the contrary 
wind to return to the continent of Juana, intending to follow 
its coast, which he had left, in order to ascertain whether it 
was a continent. They stopped in a very beautiful province, 
called Macaca, and anchored near a very extensive settle- 
ment, the cacique of which already knew of the Admiral and 
his caravels, before their arrival, having heard of his first 
voyage of discovery. Indeed, all the caciques of that 
country knew of it, and the whole country and the islands 
were in an uproar about so novel an affair, and about the 
ships, all saying that it was a people from heaven ; and this, 
notwithstanding the Admiral had not sailed along the coast, 
but the other, on the northern side. On his arrival at this 
place, the Admiral sent as presents to the cacique some 
things which these people valued very highly ; and the 
cacique sent refreshments, with a message, that they knew 
about the Admiral from hearsay, and about his father from 
Simon, an Indian, whom the Admiral had carried to Castile, 
and given to Prince John. The Admiral landed, and in- 
quired of the cacique and the Indians of the place, whether 
the country was a continent or an island ; and the cacique 
and all the rest answered, that it was a vast country, of 
which nobody had seen the end, but that it was an island. 
These people of Juana are a very gentle race, and free from 
evil thoughts. There are great differences between them 
and the inhabitants of all the neighboring islands ; and the 
same may be observed in the birds and other animals, which 
here are of a better breed, and more tame. 

The next day, they left this place, and sailed towards the 
north, bearing a little to the northwest, by the coast of the 



48 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

country. About the hour of vespers, they saw at a distance 
that the coast turned towards the west, and they took that 
direction, in order to shorten the way, leaving the land on 
the right. At sunrise, the next morning, as they were 
looking from the topmast, they saw the sea covered with 
islands, twenty-four in the whole, and all green, and covered 
with trees ; — the most beautiful sight that the eye ever be- 
held. The Admiral chose to go towards the south, leaving 
these islands on his right ; for, remembering to have read 
that this whole sea is filled with islands in this way, and that 
John de Mandeville says there are in the Indies more than 
five thousand islands, he determined to proceed, and not 
give up his exploration of the continent of Juana, till he had 
ascertained whether it was really an island or not. The 
farther they went, the more islands they discovered, so that, 
that day, they discovered a hundred and. sixty-four : and 
God gave them constant good weather for navigating among 
these islands, so that the ships, as they ran through the 
waters, seemed to fly. On Whitsunday, 1494, they stopped 
at a place which was uninhabited, — but not from the in- 
clemency of the sky, or the barrenness of the soil, — in the 
midst of a large grove of palm-trees, which seemed to reach 
from the sea-shore to the very heavens. Two springs of 
water came out of the ground, their outlets being large 
enough to admit a large orange. When the tide was on the 
flood, the water spouted up with considerable force ; and it 
was so cold and so sweet, that there cannot be better in the 
world ; and this coldness not harsh, like that of some 
waters, which injure the stomach, but, on the contrary, most 
salubrious. 

Here they all rested themselves, upon the grass about 
these fountains, enjoying the charming fragrance of the 
flowers, and the melody of the songs of the birds, so many 
and so sweet, and the shade of the palm-trees, so tall and 
so beautiful, that the whole was a wonder. There were no 
people here, but there were signs that men had been there, 
the branches of the trees being cut. From this place the 
Admiral went, with his boats, to visit a river at the east, a 
league distant, the water of which they found so warm, that 
one could scarcely bear his hand in it. They proceeded up 
the river two leagues, without meeting with people or hab- 



red 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 49 

itations ; and everywhere the country was of the same 
beauty, and the fields very green, but abounding in grutas (?)* 
as red as scarlet ; and everywhere the odor of the flowers, 
and the singing of the birds, were very sweet, as all might 
perceive. As the number of islands in this region was so 
j great that he could not give to each a separate name, the 
Admiral called them all by the common name of the Garden 
of Arms. 

On the day following, the Admiral being very desirous to 
find some one from whom he might obtain information, there 
came a canoe to hunt for fish : — for they call it hunting, 
and they hunt for one fish with another. They have fishes 
of a particular kind, which they hold by a line fastened to 
their tails, and which are like the conger-eel in shape, and 
have a large mouth armed with suckers, like the cuttle-fish. 
They are very fierce, like our ferrets, and when they are 
thrown into the water, they go to fasten themselves upon 
some of the fishes there, and do not let go their hold, till 
they are drawn out of the water. The fish is very light, 
and as soon as he has taken hold, the Indians draw him out 
by the string tied to his tail, which is very long, and imme- 
diately throw him into the water again ; and in this way, 
they take one every time. As these hunters w r ere at a dis- 
tance from the caravel, the Admiral sent his boats to them, 
contriving it so that they should not escape to land. As the 
boats came up to them, these hunters called out to the men, 
as unconcernedly as if they had known them all their lives, 
to stop, because one of the fishes had fastened upon a large 
turtle, and they must wait till they had got it into the canoe. 
These men, with four turtles, each of which was three cu- 
bits broad, they took on board to the Admiral ; and there 
they gave some account of these islands, and of their 
cacique, who was close at hand, and had sent them to hunt. 
They asked the Admiral to go on shore, and they would 
make for them a great feast, and w r ould give them all four 
turtles apiece. He gave them many things that he had 
brought with him, with which they were much pleased ; and 
he asked them if that country was very large, — to which 
they answered, that, towards the west, it had no end ; and 

* Grutas is caverns. Should we read " Grumas ?" clusters of grapes. 



50 Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 

they said that all the sea, to the south and west, was full of 
islands. As they were going, he asked them the name of 
their cacique, which they told him, and returned to their 
fishing. 



CHAPTER 127. 

Of the place where the men eat Dogs, and fatten them upon 
fish for that purpose : and of the delicious odor of the 
country. 

From this place, the Admiral sailed among the islands, by 
the most navigable channels, steering towards the west, and 
keeping near the coast of the continent. After having pro- 
ceeded several leagues, with favorable weather, he came to 
a large island, at the extremity of which was an extensive 
settlement ; where, although the weather was fine, the car- 
avels anchored, and the men went on shore, but found no- 
body, all the inhabitants having fled and left the place. 
They seemed to be a people who had dominion over the 
fishes, for upon the shore were immense numbers of turtle- 
shells. Here also they found forty dogs, not large, nor very 
ugly, and which did not bark ; it appeared that they had 
been fed and fattened upon fish ; and they learned that the 
Indians ate them, and that they were as savory as our kids 
in Castile, — for some of the Castilians tasted them. These 
Indians had many tame herons, and various other birds, but 
the Admiral commanded that nothing should be taken from 
them. He left this place, with his vessels, and very soon 
they discovered another island, larger than the last, for 
which, however, they did not stop, but directed their course 
towards some very lofty mountains upon the continent, at 
fourteen leagues' distance. There they found a large settle- 
ment, the cacique and other inhabitants of which were very 
courteous and friendly, and gave the Admiral and his men 
excellent refreshment of bread, and fruits, and water. The 
Admiral asked whether the country extended far to the 
west ; and the cacique answered that he was an old man, 
and had known other old men in his time, who understood 
such matters, and he had never heard it said that it had any 
end ; but that he might learn how it was, from the people 
of Magon, farther on, a province adjoining theirs. 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 5 1 

The next day, they sailed towards the west, always fol- 
I lowing the coast of the continent, and for several leagues 
: constantly under a very large and lofty range of mountains, 
which extended far into the interior, so that the end could 
not be seen. On the side towards the sea were a great 
many settlements, from which multitudes of people came to 
the vessels, with fruit, bread, water, spun cotton, rabbits, 
j pigeons, and a thousand other w T onderful birds, of various 
\ kinds, unknown among us. They came singing, as if for a 
festival ; believing that these people, with their ships, had 
I come from heaven ; and although the Indian interpreter 
i told them that they were men of Castile, they still believed 
that Castile was heaven, and that the King and Queen, who 
were lords of the vessels and of the men, were in heaven. 
The name of this province, where they arrived one evening, 
was Ornojai. They had been sailing in shallow water, but 
here they could not find bottom : and the wind from the 
land drove them out to sea, where they lay to during the 
night, and the time scarcely seemed to them an hour, by 
reason of the delightful odor which came from the land, and 
the singing of. the little birds and of the Indians, which was 
wondrously delectable. Here the Admiral was told that 
farther on was Magon, where the people had tails, like beasts 
and animals, and that, for this reason, he w^ould find them 
clothed. This is not true, though it appears that these 
simple people believed it ; and it is probable that it was first 
said as a joke, and in mockery of those who wore clothes ; 
as John de Mandeville says, in the 74th chapter of his book, 
that in the province of Lamore, in the Indies, the inhabitants 
all w T ent naked as they were born, and that they mocked at 
those who wore clothing, saying that they were people that 
did not believe in God, who created Adam and Eve, our 
first parents, and created them naked, — and that no one 
should be ashamed of what is natural. So, the inhabitants 
of this province of Ornojai all w r ent naked, men and women, 
and scoffed at those of whom they heard it said that they 
w r ore clothes ; and the Admiral understood the jest, as if they 
had simply said that they were clothed, and that they no 
more had tails than themselves. They told the Admiral 
that farther on there were innumerable islands, and shallow 
water ; and that the end of this country w r as very distant, so 



52 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

that in forty moons they could not reach it ; but they spoke 
with reference to the speed of their canoes, which is very 
small, for a caravel will go farther in one day, than a canoe 
in seven. 



CHAPTER 128. 

Of the White Sea. 

The Admiral left Ornojai, with his caravels, the next day, 
with a favorable wind, and made great progress, until, hav- 
ing previously passed some shallows, he all at once entered 
into a sea, which was as white as milk, and thick, like the 
water in which tanners prepare their skins ; and immediately | 
they found themselves in only two fathoms of water, which 
was much agitated by the wind. They were in a channel 
by which it would be very dangerous to return, and they 
could not anchor their vessels, because they could not turn 
about, nor bring them round, upon their anchors, with their 
heads to windward ; nor was there sufficient depth of water, 
for they were continually dragging their anchors. So they 
went on, through the channels between the islands, ten 
leagues, when they came to an island, where they found two 
fathoms and a cubit of water, and room for the caravels to 
remain ; and there they anchored. They were in great 
trouble, thinking of abandoning the enterprise, and that it 
would be no small achievement, if they could make their way 
back to the place whence they started ; but our Lord, who 
always succors those who are humble and of good will, gave 
them courage, and put into the Admiral's heart to go on. 
The next day, a small caravel, which had gone to the shore 
of this sea, to see whether they could find upon the conti- 
nent any fresh water, of which all the vessels were in great 
need, returned, and reported that along the sea-shore the 
mud was very deep, and the trees grew down into the very 
water, so thick that a cat could not go on shore at that 
place. The islands here were as numerous and as near to 
each other, and more so, than in the "Garden" before 
spoken of; and the trees stood so close along the shore, that 
they looked like walls ; and beyond these trees were high- 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 53 

lands, and very green mountains, on which appeared many 
smokes and large fires. The Admiral resolved to go on, and 
made his way through the channels among the islands, which 
were as close together as in the Garden of Arms, and more 
so, till they came to a very low point of land, to which he 
gave the name of point Serafin. Here they met with great 
difficulties, the vessels being often aground. Within the 
point, the land was low, towards the east, but at a great dis- 
tance to the north they discovered mountains, and without 
the point the intermediate space was clear of islands, which 
all lay at the south and west. They had a good wind, and 
three fathoms of water, and the Admiral determined to steer 
for the mountains, where he arrived the next day, and an- 
chored by a large and very beautiful palm-grove, and where 
1 they found fountains of very sweet and good water, and in- 
dications that men had been there. 

While the vessels were at this place, laying in wood and 
water, it chanced that a cross-bow-man, belonging to one of 
the caravels, went on shore with his cross-bow, to hunt ; 
and having gone a little way, he fell in with some thirty In- 
dians, one of whom was dressed in a white tunic, that 
reached to his feet; and he came upon them so suddenly, 
that he supposed the one who wore this garment to be a 
friar of the order of the Trinity, who was going in company 
with the others. Afterwards, there came two others in 
white tunics, reaching below their knees ; and these men 
were as white as the Castilians. The cross-bow-man was 
frightened, and cried out, and ran fleeing to the shore : he 
saw that the others remained quiet, and one of those in the 
white tunics came towards him, and called him, but he never 
ventured to stop till he had reached the ships. The Ad- 
miral, when he had heard his story, sent on shore to learn 
who these people were ; but when the messengers arrived, 
they found nobody : and the opinion was, that the one in 
the long tunic must be the cacique. On the day following, 
the Admiral sent twenty-five men, well armed, to go eight 
or ten leagues into the country, till they should find people. 
Having gone a quarter of a league, they came to a plain, 
which extended towards the west and along the coast ; and 
not knowing their way, they undertook to cross the plain, 
but could not get on, and returned much fatigued ; for the 

VOL. VIII. 7 



54 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

grass was very thick, very high, and much tangled together, 
so that they could make no progress. They came back as 
weary as if they had gone twenty leagues ; and said that in 
that direction it was impossible to cross the country, — that 
there was no road, or path of any kind. The next day, as 
some others were going along the shore, they found the 
tracks of some very large beasts, with five claws, (a terrible 
sight !) which they judged to be lions, griffins, or some other 
wild beasts, — most probably lions : — and they too came 
back. Here they found many vines, very large, and loaded 
w T ith unripe grapes, which covered all the trees, so that it 
was wonderful to see them. The Admiral took a basket of 
these grapes, and some cuttings of the vines, and some of 
the white soil of the sea, to exhibit, and to send to the King 
and Queen. There were also many aromatic fruits as in the 
other places above described ; and likewise grutas twice as 
large as any in Castile. 

The Admiral, having thus crossed over from point Sera- 
fin, where the land declined towards the east, to the moun- 
tains at the north, followed the coast back, towards the east, 
till he saw that it joined the other, and was continuous with 
it, and then turned again to the west : and although both 
the vessels and the men were much worn by the voyage, 
he purposed to sail for some mountains, which he had seen 
in the west, at the distance of thirty-five leagues from the 
place where they had taken in their supply of water. After 
they had gone nine leagues, they came to a beach, where 
they captured the cacique of the region, who, being an igno- 
rant person, that had never been away from these moun- 
tains, told them that towards the north the sea was very 
deep for a very great distance. They weighed anchor, and 
proceeded on their voyage very joyful, thinking to find it as 
he had said. But, after sailing several leagues, they found 
themselves entangled among a number of islands, with very 
little depth of water; so that they could not find a con- 
venient channel by which to go on. After making their way, 
for a day and a half, through a very narrow and shallow 
channel, they were obliged to drag the vessels, by means of 
their anchors and capstans, over the bottom, nearly a fathom 
out of water, for two full leagues, after which they found two 
fathoms and a half of water, in which they sailed for two 



i 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 55 

days, and farther on, three fathoms. At this place there 
came to the vessels many canoes, the people in which said 
that the inhabitants of those mountains had a king of great 
authority ; and they seemed to be wonderfully impressed 
with the extent of his dominion and the greatness of his 
power, saying that he had infinite provinces, that he was 
called " Holy," and that he wore a white tunic, which trailed 
upon the ground. 

They pursued their course along the coast, in three 
fathoms of water, for four days, in which they passed the 
mountains, leaving them far to the east, and always found the 
shore low, and the trees growing close to the water's edge, 
as has been described, so that it was impossible to effect a 
landing. At the end of this time, the vessels being in a bay, 
where the coast turned again to the east, they saw upon a 
cape, at twenty leagues' distance, some very high moun- 
tains, which the Admiral determined to visit, since the sea 
was not open towards the north, and was of very great 
depth, as the cacique had said, who also told the Admiral 
that in the way in which he was going he would not come 
to the end of the land in fifty leagues ; — so he had heard it 
said. They sailed within a great many islands, and after 
four days and nights, came to the mountains they had seen, 
and found a country as large as the island of Corsica. They 
went all around it, but found no spot where they could land, 
the shore being very muddy, and the trees very thick, as 
has been said of the other places : and the smokes from the 
dwellings of the inhabitants in the interior were large and 
numerous. They remained on this coast seven days, seek- 
ing for fresh water, of which they were in want, and which 
they found at a place towards the east, in some beautiful 
palm-groves, where they also found mother-of-pearl, and 
some very handsome pearls, and saw also that there were 
excellent fishing-grounds, if they were only used. After 
supplying themselves with wood and water, they sailed to- 
wards the south, for a considerable distance, following the 
coast, until it led them towards the south-west, and appeared 
to run in that direction for a great number of days' sail ; and 
at the south, they saw the sea filled with islands. The ves- 
sels were in very bad condition, from thumping about in the 
shallows, their ropes and tackle worn out, and most of the 



56 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

provisions much injured, especially the biscuit, in conse- 
quence of the leakiness of the vessels : and the men, too ? 
were very much exhausted, afraid of their provisions failing, 
and likewise of the winds being, at this season, unfavorable 
for their return. From Cape Alfaeto to this place, they had 
gone twelve hundred and eighty miles, equal to three hun- 
dred and twenty-two leagues ; and had discovered a great 
many islands, as has been related, besides their discoveries 
on the continent. 

Then the Admiral concluded to return ; and, taking a 
different route from that by which he had come, to go by 
way of Jamaica, (to which he had given the name of San- 
tiago,) and finish the exploration of its southern coast, which 
he had abandoned in order to proceed on this voyage. 
They started on their return, expecting to pass within cer- 
tain islands which were there ; but they could find no chan- 
nel, and were forced to turn back, by an arm of the sea, 
through which they had come to point Serafin, as far as the 
islands where they had first come into the White sea. 



CHAPTER 129. 

Of the Cormorants, which they saw ; and the Butterflies ; 
and the great Turtles. 

To go back a little : — a day or two after the occurrence 
of what has been related concerning the cacique, they saw, 
before sunrise, more than a million of cormorants come 
flying over the sea, at a distance from the land, all in one 
body ; so that they w T ere astonished at the sight of so great 
a multitude of these birds. The next day, they saw from 
the ships so many butterflies, that they darkened the sky ; 
and they remained till night, when a heavy rain which fell, 
accompanied with thunder, destroyed them. Ever since 
they had left the place where they were told that the 
" Holy " King resided, to go to Teroneso, (called by them 
St. John the Evangelist,) they had found, along their whole 
course many very large turtles ; but they saw many more 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 57 

in these twenty leagues, for the whole sea was solid with 
them, and all monstrously large, so that it seemed as if they 
would stop the vessels, — though they managed to get 
through them. The Indians value these turtles very highly, 
as a very good and savory article of food. 



CHAPTER 130. 

Of the province of Ornofai : and how the Admiral caused 
mass to be said there : and of the reception, which the 
cacique of that region gave him. 

Leaving this place, they sailed through an arm of the sea, 
white, as it is everywhere hereabouts, and very deep ; and 
having gone a few leagues, they came to the cluster of 
islands, where they had first anchored in the White sea. 
It was a miracle of our Lord, that brought them there, for it 
was not accomplished by man's wisdom or skill. Thence 
they proceeded to the province of Ornofai, with less peril 
than before, and there anchored in a river, and supplied 
their vessels with w x ood and water, in order to sail towards 
the south, not returning by the same route they had come, 
but leaving the Garden of Arms on their left. This course 
they pursued ; but they could not omit visiting many of the 
islands, which hitherto, as has been said, they had not 
examined. The land is mountainous, and most fertile : the 
people are gentle, and have a great abundance of fruits and 
other kinds of food, of all which they gave their visiters a 
large share ; and the fruits were very sweet and aromatic. 
They brought them great numbers of birds, parrots, and 
others, mostly pigeons, which w T ere very large and as pleas- 
ant to the taste as our Castilian partridges : and their crops 
were filled with flowers, more fragrant than the orange- 
flower. 

Here the Admiral caused mass to be said, and erected a 
cross, made from the trunk of a large tree, as he was accus- 
tomed to do at all the capes, where they landed, it was 
on Sunday, that the Admiral went on shore to hear mass ; 
and the cacique of the region, who was a person of great 
distinction, and the lord of many subjects and numerous 



58 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez, 

retainers, when he saw the Admiral land from his boat, took 
him by the hand, and another Indian, more than eighty years 
old, who came with the cacique, took the other hand, with 
great ceremony. This old man wore on his neck a string 
of beads, made of marble, which these people prize very 
highly : and in his hand he carried a little basket of apples, 
which he presented to the Admiral, as soon as he landed 
from the boat. The cacique, and the old man, and the rest, 
were all naked as they were born, without showing any 
embarrassment ; as was also the case in all the other parts 
of the country discovered by the Admiral Columbus. — They 
continued thus holding him by the hand, with all the other 
Indians behind them, till they came to the place where the 
Admiral was to pray and to hear mass, and where he had 
ordered preparations to be made for the purpose. After 
the Admiral had finished his prayer, the old Indian, in a 
pleasing and confident manner, began his discourse, and 
said : that he had known how the Admiral w T as going about 
exploring all the Islands in those parts, and the continent ; 
and that his being upon the continent was known to them : 
he told the Admiral that he must not be vainglorious, 
because all the people were afraid of him, for that he was 
mortal, like men : and he began, by words and by signs, to 
explain how men were born naked, and how they had an 
immortal soul : that when any member was diseased, it was 
the soul that felt the pain : that at the time of death, and 
their separation from the body, these souls felt very great 
pain : and that they went to the King of the Heavens, or 
into the abyss of the earth, according to the good, or the 
evil, which they had done and wrought in the world : and 
as he perceived that the Admiral took pleasure in hearing 
him, he continued his discourse with greater animation, 
using such signs that the Admiral comprehended it all. 

The Admiral replied to him through his Indian interpreter, 
who had been to Castile, and understood very well the 
Castilian language, as also that of these provinces, and who 
was a very good, well-disposed man ; and the answer was : 
that he had done no harm to any good person, but only to 
the bad ; and that, on the contrary, he had bestowed favors 
and rewards upon the good, and shown them great honor ; 
and that this was what his sovereigns, King Ferdinand and 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 59 

Queen Isabella, the mighty rulers of Spain, had commanded 
him. Here the old Indian turned in great astonishment to 
the interpreter, and asked if this Admiral was subject to 
any other lord: to which the interpreter replied, "To the 
King and Queen of Castile, who are the greatest sovereigns 
in the world." And then he related to the cacique, and the 
old man, and the other Indians, the things that he had seen 
in Castile, and the wonders of Spain ; the great cities, for- 
tresses, churches ; the people, and the horses, and other 
animals ; the splendor and riches of the sovereigns and the 
great nobles ; the various kinds of food ; the festivals and 
tournaments which he had seen, and the bull-fights ; and 
the wars that he had heard about. All this he told very 
well, and in an orderly manner, and the old man and the 
rest delighted greatly to hear it, and communicated it to 
each other. The old man said that he wished to go with 
the Admiral, to see such things as these ; and he resolved 
to do so, — but his wife and children wept, and so ? out of 
his affection for them, with great reluctance he abandoned 
his design. The Admiral, however, took from this place a 
young Indian, whom he brought away quietly, and sent, 
with the cacique whom he had previously taken, to the King 
and Queen, after his arrival in Hispaniola from this voyage. 
The people of all these islands, and of the continent, 
although they appeared brutish, and went about naked, yet 
seemed to the Admiral and those who were with him in 
this voyage, to be very sensible and sharp-witted : they all 
took great pleasure in learning new things, as men do among 
us, who are eager for knowledge ; and this must be owing 
to the activity and acuteness of their minds. They are 
very obedient and loyal to their caciques, who are their 
kings and lords, and whom they hold in great respect and 
honor. Whenever the caravels stopped at any place, they 
immediately gave the Indians to understand that they had 
come there in the name of their cacique ; and they would 
inquire what was the name of the cacique of the caravels, 
that they might repeat it among themselves ; and they 
repeated it to each other, so as not to forget it. Afterwards, 
they asked what the ships were called ; and if they came 
from heaven ; or whence they came ; and whether Castile 
was heaven ; for they had no letters, and knew nothing 



60 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

about laws, or history, or what was meant by reading and II 
writing ; and of course, were very ignorant. They said 
that the people of Magon wore clothing, because they had 
tails, and in order to conceal that deformity ; and among 
them it was considered disgraceful to be clothed, as has 
been before said. The land, in all the islands and countries 
of these seas, so far as they are known, is so fertile, that 
although the population should be increased a hundred fold, 
it would still be more than sufficient to sustain them. It 
may well be, that in the interior there are differences in 
government, and customs, and in the people themselves, 
and many strange things; — indeed, it cannot be other- 
wise ; — but in this voyage, there was no opportunity to see 
or know of them. The Admiral took his leave of this 
cacique of Ornofay, and of the honored old man, his kins- 
man and favorite, with many professions of friendship and of 
obligation. 



CHAPTER 131. 

How the Admiral departed from this place : of the progress 
which he made ; and the number of miles that a caravel 
can sail in a day : how they came to a thickly settled 
island : of the cacique, who came on board one of the 
caravels, with his wife and family, to return with the 
Admired : how they returned to Spain : the conclusion of 
this narrative : and the death of the Admiral. 

The Admiral took his departure from the province of 
Ornofay, from the river, to which he had given the name of 
the River of the Mass, and sailed towards the south, intend- 
ing to leave the Garden of Arms, which was a numerous 
cluster of green and beautiful islands, on the left, in conse- 
quence of the perilous navigation, which he had experienced 
there in his outward voyage. The winds being against 
them, they stopped in a large gulf, to which the Admiral 
gave the name of Buen Tiempo, in the province of Macaca, 
throughout the whole of which province, they were well 
received. From this place they sailed towards the west, as 
far as the extremity of the island, and thence south, till they 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 61 

came to the province of Bojia at the east, and after some 
days they came to the Crystalline Mountain, and thence to 
point Farol, and to the shallows at the extremity of the 
island, eleven leagues farther to the east, where, for several 
days, the winds were adverse. Sailors estimate the ordi- 
nary sailing of a caravel in a day to be two hundred miles, 
of four to the league, or fifty leagues. This the Admiral 
and his men frequently accomplished, according to their 
reckoning, as recorded by him in the book, in which he kept 
an- account of these things. And let it not be thought won- 
derful that a vessel in sailing can keep within its uncertain 
path, but rather let it be considered as well established ; for 
a vessel will return many times to an island from which it 
has sailed, even in adverse wind and weather. Herein con- 
sists the skill of the master, and his resource in the event of 
a storm ; and he would not be considered a good master or 
pilot, who, having to go from one country to another at a 
great distance, without sight of land between, should make 
an error of ten leagues, though the length of the passage 
should be a thousand ; unless by stress of weather he should 
be deprived of the use of his skill. 

Sailing on towards the south, they anchored, one evening, 
in a bay, in the neighborhood of which were many settle- 
ments, from one of which, situated in a lofty spot, a cacique 
came to the vessels, bringing them excellent refreshment : 
and the Admiral, in return, gave him and his attendants 
some of the things that he had with him, with which they 
were pleased. The cacique asked whence he had come, 
and what was his name ; to which the Admiral answered, 
that he was a subject of the mighty and illustrious King and 
Queen of Castile, his sovereigns, who had sent him to these 
parts to discover and explore the country, and to show much 
honor to the good, and to destroy the wicked. This was 
communicated through the Indian interpreter ; and the 
cacique was much pleased, and inquired of the Indian 
minutely about the things of this country, of which he gave 
an account, much in detail, to the astonishment and delight 
of the cacique and the other Indians. They remained till 
night, and then took their leave of the Admiral. The next 
day the Admiral left this place ; and after he had already 
got under sail, with a light wind, the cacique, with three 

VOL. VIII. 8 



62 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

canoes, came towards the ships, in such state, that I must 
not omit to describe his equipage. One of the canoes was 
very large, like a large fusta, and much painted : in this 
came the cacique himself, with his wife, and two daughters, 
one of whom was about eighteen years old, very beautiful, 
entirely naked, according to the custom of the country, and 
very modest ; the other was younger ; likewise two boys, 
his sons, and five of his brothers and other kinsmen : indeed 
all the others must have been his kinsmen and subjects. 
He also brought with him, in his canoe, a man who acted as 
standard-bearer : this man alone stood, in the bow of the 
canoe, wearing a loose coat of red feathers, resembling in 
shape those of our kings-at-arms, and on his head a large 
plume, which looked very well ; and in his hand he bore a 
white banner, without any device. Two or three men came 
with their faces painted, all in the same way, and each of 
these wore on his head a large plume, in shape like a helmet, 
and over the face a round tablet, as large as a plate, painted 
likewise, and all of them in the same style, for neither in 
these tablets nor in the plumes was there any difference : 
these carried in their hands a kind of musical instrument, 
upon which they played. There were two others, who 
were also painted, but in a different fashion : these bore two 
wooden trumpets, highly wrought, with figures of birds and 
other devices, the wood being black, and very fine : each of 
them wore a very handsome hat of green feathers, very 
closely put together, and of very ingenious workmanship. 
Six others wore hats of white feathers, and came in a body, 
as the cacique's guard. 

The cacique wore, suspended from his neck, a trinket 
made of copper, which is brought from a neighboring island, 
called Guani, and is very fine, resembling gold of eight 
carats : in shape it was like a fleur-de-lis, and as large as a 
plate. He wore also on his neck a string of large marble 
beads, which these people value very highly ; and on his 
head a large open crown of very small green and red stones, 
disposed in order, and intermixed with some larger white 
ones, so as to look very well. He had suspended over his 
forehead a large jewel, and from his ears hung two large 
plates of gold, with rings of very small green beads : and, 
although naked, he wore a girdle, of the same workmanship 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 63 

as the crown, all the rest of his body being uncovered, His 
wife was decked in a similar manner, and naked, except so 
much of her person as was covered by a bit of cotton, not 
larger than an orange-leaf. She wore upon her arms, just 
below the shoulder, a roll of cotton, like those on the sleeves 
of the ancient French doublets ; and another similar roll, but 
larger, she wore on each leg, below the knee, — like the 
anklets of the Moorish women. The elder and more beau- 
tiful of the daughters was entirely naked, wearing only a 
girdle of stones of a single color, black, and very small, from 
which hung something in the shape of an ivy-leaf, of green 
and red stones, embroidered upon cotton cloth. 

The large canoe came between the two others, and a 
little in advance of them : and as soon as it came up with 
the vessel, the cacique came on board, and began giving to 
the masters and each of the men something from his trea- 
sures. This was in the morning, and the Admiral was at 
his prayers, knowing nothing of this giving of presents, or of 
the purpose of the coming of this cacique, who had come 
at once on board the caravel, with his followers ; and when 
the Admiral came on deck, he had sent back his attendants 
to the land, with the canoes, and they were already at a con- 
siderable distance. As soon as the Admiral made his ap- 
pearance, the cacique came towards him, with a very joyful 
countenance, addressing him as follows: "My friend, I have 
resolved to leave my country, and go with thee, to see the 
King and Queen, and the Prince their son — the two great- 
est lords in the world, whose power is so great that they 
have subdued so many countries hereabouts, by means of 
thee, who art their subject, and goest on thy conquests by 
their command. This we have learned from those Indians 
whom thou earnest with thee, and also how everywhere the 
people are wondrously afraid of thee, — even the Caribs, an 
innumerable and very brave race, whose canoes and dwellings 
thou hast destroyed, and hast captured their wives and child- 
ren, and slain those of them who did not escape by flight. 
I know that in all the islands of this region there is an infi- 
nite number of people, and a vast country ; and they all stand 
in fear and great dread of thee, and thou canst do them much 
harm and injury, if they do not submit to the great King of 
Castile, thy lord ; since thou knowest the people of these 



64 Extract from the Chronicle of Bemaldez. 

islands, and their weakness, and art acquainted with the coun- 
try. And before thou shalt take from me my lands and do- 
minions, I wish to go with thee, in thy vessels, with my fam- 
ily, to see the mighty King and Queen, thy sovereigns, and 
the land in which they dwell, the richest and most abundant 
in the world, and the wonders of Castile, which are many, as 
thy Indian has told me." The Admiral, feeling compassion 
for him and for his children, and his wife, and not wishing to 
grieve him by a refusal, answered, that he received him as a 
subject of the King and Queen, and that for the present he 
should remain at home ; that he had yet much to do to com- 
plete his discoveries, and that when he returned, there would 
be an opportunity to fulfil his desire ; and he pledged to him 
his friendship : and so the cacique, with his family, was 
obliged to remain behind. 

The Admiral sailed to the south and east, through these 
seas, among many other islands, peopled by this same naked 
race, as he has written ; of which, that 1 may not make my 
work too long, I omit to give an account ; suffice it to say 
that all the people are like those that have been described 
above. On his way to Hispaniola, the Admiral passed among 
the islands of the Caribs, where he had been in his second 
voyage. In Hispaniola they had already given him up, sup- 
posing that he and his vessels must be lost ; and the same 
belief prevailed likewise in Castile, where letters had been 
received from Hispaniola, stating how long a time had passed, 
and they had not yet made their appearance. Those who 
wished well to the Admiral were rejoiced at his return ; while 
others, who bore him no good will, were greatly vexed, be- 
cause he would allow no one to appropriate anything to 
himself, or to make any profit by barter, but everything was 
for the King and Queen : which gave occasion to great mur- 
murings against him. He found that while he had been 
absent on this voyage no gold had been collected, and no 
one had undertaken to procure it, nor did they know where 
to find it, or dare to search for it, for fear of the Indians. 
Immediately on his arrival, he set about obtaining as much 
of it as he could ; and as to the disaffection among his men, 
he punished some of them, and sent others prisoners to the 
King, as has been before related. 

The expenses of the enterprise, thus far, had been great, 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 65 

and the returns small. The suspicion that there was no 
gold in the country, was very general, both there and in 
Castile. The colonists were in want of provisions, so as, 
indeed, to be reduced to great straits, though they were re- 
lieved by supplies sent from this country by Don Juan de 
Fonseca, Bishop of Badajoz, afterwards of Cordova, and 
afterwards of Palencia, who had the charge of these matters. 
Some one was found, who persuaded the King and Queen 
that the expense would always be greater than the profit : 
they recalled the Admiral, and he arrived in Castile in the 
month of June, 1496, wearing the dress of an Observantine 
friar of the order of St. Francis, and resembling one in bis 
appearance, little less than in his dress ; with the cord of the 
order, which he wore from devotion. He brought with him 
several Indians, whom he had taken before his departure, not 
in fight, but by enticing them within his power; and among 
these were the great cacique Caonoboa, and a brother of his, 
and a son, about ten years old. Telling them that he would 
take them to see the King and Queen, and that they should 
return in honor and state, he brought with him Caonoboa, 
and his brother, about thirty years old, to whom he gave the 
name of Don Diego, and his nephew, a little boy, the son of 
another brother : and Caonoboa died on the water, from 
grief and vexation. This Don Diego, Caonoboa's brother, 
wore a collar or chain of gold, which the Admiral made him 
put on when they passed through the cities and villages, 
weighing six hundred castellanos ; which chain T saw and 
took in my hands, when I had the above-named Lord Bishop, 
and the Admiral, and Don Diego, as guests in my house. 
The Admiral brought also many things used by the Indians, 
crowns, masks, girdles, collars, and many other things inter- 
woven with cotton, and all having a figure of the Devil, in 
his own shape, or in that of a cat, or an owl's head, or some- 
thing worse, cut in wood, or made in the cotton, or whatever 
else might be the material of the ornament. He had some 
crowns, with wings at the sides, on which were eyes of gold ; 
and in particular, one crown, which he said had belonged to 
the cacique Caonoboa, which was very large and high, and 
on being struck displayed wings, like shields, with eyes of 
gold as large around as a drinking-cup, set in their places in 
a very ingenious and singular way, resembling enamelling. 



66 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 

This crown likewise had a figure of the Devil upon it ; 
and it may be believed that he appeared to them in these 
shapes, and that they were idolaters, and had the Devil for 
their Lord. The Admiral presented the Indians, together 
with the gold and other things which he had brought with 
him, to the King and Queen, who received him very gra- 
ciously, and took great pleasure in seeing the strange things, 
and in learning about his discoveries ; though he did not 
lack enemies, who could not endure him, in consequence of 
his being a foreigner, and many quarrels having arisen, in 
the execution of his authority, among such as were arrogant 
and disaffected towards him. The Admiral remained at the 
court, in Castile and in Aragon, more than a year, the 
preparations for his departure being Relayed by the war 
with France ; at the end of which time he was provided 
with a fleet, and made his arrangements, and took his leave 
of their Highnesses at court, with several other captains, 
who were to go with him on the voyage of discovery : — 
and they did discover various islands. 

The Admiral set sail for the Indies at the end of the 
month of August, in the year 1497 ; and came to certain 
islands, which he had not before visited, lying at the south 
near the islands of the Caribs. He likewise discovered the 
Pearl Islands ; and he would allow the men to keep nothing 
for themselves, except a trifle as a specimen : this produced 
great dissatisfaction among the sailors, because he had told 
them that whatever God should give them and throw in 
their way, he would share with them ; whereas he now said 
that the King and Queen had sent them on this voyage to 
make discoveries, and not to enrich themselves. He pur- 
sued his voyage towards Hispaniola, and on his arrival 
there, made arrangements with regard to the gold mines, 
and the settlements, to which he devoted much labor : and 
he found very large mines, as he believed and declared, 
though many, as well noblemen, as mariners, gentlemen, 
and the common people, did not believe it, and made a jest 
of what he said. Having done this, and given very judicious 
directions as to the manner of searching for the gold, about 
a year passed without their finding it in any considerable 
quantities; this was the year 1499 ; and in 1500 it began 
to be found in abundance. It was all collected for the King 



Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez. 67 

and Queen, and those who wrought in the mines were paid 
something for their labor, which was performed under the 
Admiral's direction : all which occasioned much complaint 
against him. Besides this he delayed sending the gold to 
the King somewhat longer than he should have done, and 
there were those who wrote, and who came home and told 
the King and Queen, that he was embezzling the gold, and 
that he wished to give it to the Genoese, and many other 
stories charging him with crimes, the least of which it ought 
not to have been believed that he would commit. The 
King sent out one Bobadilla to Hispaniola, as Governor, and 
recalled the Admiral, whom this same Governor sent home 
as a prisoner, with the gold which he had. He arrived at 
Cadiz in the spring of the year 1501, and presented himself 
before the King, with the gold which he brought, and was 
discharged from his confinement. The King commanded 
him, on the ground that the royal service required it, that he 
should never again visit the island of Hispaniola ; and for 
the services which he had rendered, he confirmed him in 
the dignity of Admiral for ever, with its rights and profits, 
and ordered that he should be admitted at court, and that 
he might remain wherever he chose in Castile. He told 
him, moreover, that he must believe that, in all which he 
had done to him, he had shown him great honor and favor, 
and had removed him from the dangers which threatened 
him from the Castilians, who were much excited against 
him ; and that if he should go back, it would be impossible 
to prevent disturbance and violence, which would be of evil 
example to the Indians. 

The pleasure of the King and Queen being made known 
to the Admiral, he entreated their Highnesses to permit him 
to go on a voyage of discovery by the northern route, along 
the right coast of the continent, which they had given him 
to discover ; representing to them that, although it had been 
his purpose to follow that course, when he w T as upon his 
expedition to the continent, he had been forced to take 
another route. The King gave him this permission, and he 
started on the voyage, with three vessels. After passing 
Hispaniola, he experienced many disasters, and mishaps, 
and storms, and found the sea very rough, so that he could 
not make so great progress as he desired ; and although he 



68 Extract from the Chronicle of Bernaldez." 

discovered several islands in the course of the voyage, as he 
has written, he was unable to accomplish the object, which 
he had in view. He was detained in some of the harbors, 
by storms, a long time, which hindered him in his discov- 
eries, as did also the great difficulty and labor of the naviga- 
tion, and the peculiar nature of the water of those seas, 
which acted upon the vessels in a surprising manner, as if 
they had been bored by worms. They made their escape 
in one of the vessels to a certain island near Hispaniola, 
where they were in a wretched condition, of which the 
Governor hearing, through some Indians, he sent for the 
vessel, and brought her, with the men on board to Hispan- 
iola, and thence sent them to Castile, under the charge of 
Diego Rodriguez, a boatswain, and a citizen of Triana, in 
the year 1504. And this same Admiral Christopher Colum- 
bus, of marvellously honored memory, a native of the prov- 
ince of Milan, the discoverer of the Indies, being in Valla- 
dolid, in the year 1506, in the month of May, died, in a 
good old age, being seventy years old, or thereabouts. Our 
Lord pardon him ! Amen. 

DEO GRATIAS. 

And now I do not choose to write more about the discov- 
ery of the Indies, since the story is familiar to every body, 
and there are many who were engaged in the discovery, 
that can write about it, and relate what they saw, throughout 
all Spain. The Admiral was succeeded by his eldest son 
in the title, and in the income, and the honors, which he had 
acquired by his labor, perseverance, and good fortune, in 
the fortunate and happy reign of the King and Queen, who 
fitted him out, and sent him on his enterprise. 



DOCUMENTS RELATING TO CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW 
GOSNOLD'S VOYAGE TO AMERICA, A. D. 1602. 



[The first attempt of the English to make a settlement within the limits 
of New England, was under the command of Captain Bartholomew Gos- 
nold, near the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. In the 4th volume 
of Purchas's Pilgrims, p. 1646, to p. 1653 are three documents relat- 
ing to this expedition. 1. A letter from Capt. Gosnold to his father. 

-2. Gabriel Archer's account of the voyage. — -3. A Chapter entitled, 

Notes taken out of a tractate written by James Rosier to Sir Walter 
Raleigh." 

This last is in fact the latter part of a letter written by John Brereton 
to Sir Walter Raleigh. The mistake of Purchas in ascribing it to Rosier 
is the more remarkable, as his own extract includes the formal signature 
" Your Lordship's, to command, John Brereton." 

His next chapter but one, consists of extracts from the account of 
Weymouth's voyage, written by James Rosier, and he seems to have pre- 
fixed the same name to both chapters by mere inadvertence. This error 
has ied Dr. Belknap, in the Life of Gosnold, contained in the second vol- 
ume of the American Biography, to mention Rosier as one of his com- 
panions on that voyage, for which there is no authority. 

Of Brereton, after the date of his letter, I know nothing. But we learn 
from Purchas, that Capt. Gosnold was the first mover of the permanent 
plantation of Virginia, in 1606, the previous attempts of Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh and others having failed. For many years, we are told, he solicit- 
ed many of his friends, but found small assistance, till at last he prevailed 
with Capt. Wingfield, Capt. John Smith, Capt. Gabriel Archer and others, 
who finally sailed from London on the 19th of December, 1606. They 
were kept six weeks in sight of England by unprosperous gales ; and 
after touching at Guadaloupe and other islands in the West Indies, did 
not reach Virginia till the 26th of April, 1607. 

Capt. Wingfield was chosen President of the Council of six, by which 
the Plantation was to be governed, and of which Capt. Gosnold was a 
member. In the following August there was a great mortality among 
the planters, and on the 22d of that month, Capt. Gosnold died, and was 
honorably buried. After his death, it is stated, the Council could hardly 
agree. 

Capt. Gabriel Archer was in the same expedition to Virginia ; and not 
long after Gosnold's death he intended to abandon the Colony, but was 
prevented by Captain John Smith. Being found, however, very trouble- 
some, and much opposed to Capt. Smith, he was, at a later period, sent 
back by him to England. In 1609 he returned to Virginia, and was still 
constantly hostile to Capt. Smith, and even accused of conspiring against 
VOL. VIII. 9 



70 Gosnold's Letter to his Father. 

his life. His own letter touching his voyage to Virginia in 1609, and 
defending his conduct there, is in 4th Purchas, p. 1733. 

In the summer of 1817, several members of the Historical Society 
visited the Elizabeth Islands, in Buzzard's Bay, and examined the precise 
spot of Gosnold's settlement. It is perfectly well defined, and is on a 
small islet in a pond on an Island, now known by its Indian name Cutty- 
hunk, the name of Elizabeth, given to it by Capt. Gosnold, having been 
since transferred to the whole group. A letter from the writer of this 
notice giving an account of that visit, and of the present condition of the 
place, may be found in the 5th volume of the North American Review, 
p. 313, &c. 

As no copy of Brereton exists in any public Library in this vicinity, 
it is thought best to reprint it here, and with it the other contemporary 
documents relating to this first settlement in New England. Gosnold's 
letter to his father, and Gabriel Archer's account are from Purchas. 
Brereton's letter, and the short notice of Mace's voyage are reprinted 
from a transcript of the second edition in the Library of Thomas Aspin- 
wall, Esqr., American Consul in London, presented to the Society by 
him. The documents following it, are from a transcript procured in 
London by Professor Sparks, and communicated by Mr. F. C. Gray.] 



Master Bartholomew Gosnold's Letter to his Father, touching 
his first voyage to Virginia, 1602. 

My duty remembered, &c. Sir, I was in good hope that 
my occasions would have allowed me so much liberty, as to 
have come unto you before this time ; otherwise I would 
have written more at large concerning the country from 
whence we lately came, than I did : but not well remem- 
bering what I have already written (though I am assured 
that there is nothing set down disagreeing with the truth,) I 
thought it fittest not to go about to add anything in writing, 
but rather to leave the report of the rest till I come myself; 
which now I hope shall be shortly, and so soon as with con- 
veniency I may. In the mean time, notwithstanding 
whereas you seem not to be satisfied by that which I have 
- already written, concerning some especial matters ; I have 
here briefly (and as well as I can) added these few lines for 
your further satisfaction: and first, as touching that place 
where we were most resident, it is the latitude of 41 degrees, 
and one third part ; which albeit it be so much to the south- 
ward, yet is it more cold than those parts of Europe, which 
are situated under the same parallel : but one thing is worth 



GosnoloVs Letter to his Father. 71 

the noting, that notwithstanding the place is not so much 
subject to cold as England is, yet did we find the spring to 
be later there, than it is with us here, by almost a month : 
this whether it happened accidentally this last spring to be 
so, or whether it be so of course, I am not very certain ; the 
latter seems most likely, whereof also there may be given 
some sufficient reason, which now I omit : as for the acorns 
we saw gathered on heaps, they were of the last year, but 
doubtless their summer continues longer than ours. 

We cannot gather, by anything we could observe in the 
people, or by any trial we had thereof ourselves, but that it 
is as healthful a climate as any can be. The inhabitants 
there, as I wrote before, being of tall stature, comely propor- 
tion, strong, active, and some of good years, and as it should 
seem very healthful, are sufficient proof of the healthfulness 
of the place. First, for ourselves (thanks be to God) we 
had not a man sick two days together in all our voyage ; 
whereas others that went out with us, or about that time on 
other voyages (especially such as went upon reprisal,) were 
most of them infected with sickness, w T hereof they lost some 
of their men, and brought home a many sick, returning 
notwithstanding long before us. But Verazzano, and others 
(as I take it, you may read in the Book of Discoveries,) do 
more particularly entreat of the age of the people in that 
coast. The sassafras which we brought we had upon the 
islands ; where though we had little disturbance, and rea- 
sonable plenty ; yet for that the greatest part of our people 
were employed about the fitting of our house, and such like 
affairs, and a few (and those but easy laborers) undertook 
this work, the rather because we were informed before our 
going forth, that a ton was sufficient to cloy England, and 
further, for that we had resolved upon our return, and taken 
view of our victual, we judged it then needful to use expe- 
dition ; which afterward we had more certain proof of; for 
when we came to an anchor before Portsmouth, which was 
some four days after we made the land, we had not one 
cake of bread, nor any drink, but a little vinegar left: for 
these and other reasons, we returned no otherwise laden 
than you have heard. And thus much I hope shall suffice 
till 1 can myself come to give you further notice, which 
though it be not so soon as I could have wished, yet I hope 
it shall be in convenient time. 



72 Archer's Account of GosnolcPs Voyage, 

In the mean time, craving your pardon, for which the 
urgent occasions of my stay will plead, I humbly take my 
leave. 

7th September, 1602. Your dutiful son, 

Barth. Gosnold. 

The Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage to the North part 
of Virginia, begun the six-and-ttventieth of March, Anno 
42 Elizabethce Regime, 1602, and delivered by Gabriel 
Archer, a gentleman in the said voyage. 

The said captain did set sail from Falmouth the day and 
year above written accompanied with thirty-two persons, 
whereof eight mariners and sailors, twelve purposing upon 
the discovery to return with the ship for England, the rest 
remain there for population. The fourteenth of April fol- 
lowing, we had sight of Saint Mary's, an Island of the 
Azores. 

The three-and-twentieth of the same, being two hundred 
leagues westward from the said island, in the latitude of 37 
degrees, the water in the main ocean appeared yellow, the 
space of two leagues north and south, where sounding with I 
thirty fathoms line, we found no ground, and taking up some 
of the said water in a bucket, it altered not either in color or 
taste from the sea azure. 

The seventh of May following, we first saw many birds in 
bigness of cliff pigeons, and after divers others as petrels, 
coots, hagbuts, penguins, mews, gannets, cormorants, gulls, 
with many else in our English tongue of no name. The 
eighth of the same the water changed to a yellowish green, 
where at seventy fathoms we had ground. The ninth, we 
had two-and-twenty fathoms in fair sandy ground, having 
upon our lead many glittering stones, somewhat heavy, 
which might promise some mineral matter in the bottom, we 
held ourselves by computation, well near the latitude of 43 
degrees. 

The tenth we sounded in 27, 30, 37, 43 fathoms, and 
then came to 108. Some thought it to be the sounding of 



Archer's Account of GosnolcPs Voyage. 73 

the westernmost end of Saint John's Island ; upon this bank 
we saw sculls of fish in great numbers. The twelfth, we 
hoisted out hawser of our shallop, and sounding had then 
eighty fathoms without any current perceived by William 
Strete the master, one hundred leagues westward from Saint 
Mary's, till we came to the aforesaid soundings, continually 
passed fleeting by us sea-oare, which seemed to have their 
movable course towards the north-east ; a matter to set some 
subtle invention on work, for comprehending the. true cause 
thereof. The thirteenth, we sounded in seventy fathoms, 
and observed great beds of weeds, much wood, and divers 
things else floating by us, when as we had smelling of the 
shore, such as from the southern Cape and Andalusia, in 
Spain. The fourteenth, about six in the morning, we 
descried land that lay north, &c, the northerly part we 
called the north land, which to another rock upon the same 
lying twelve leagues west, that we called Savage Rock, (be- 
cause the savages first showed themselves there) ; five leagues 
towards the said rock is an out point of woody ground, the 
trees thereof very high and straight, from the rock east-north- 
east. From the said rock, came towards us a Biscay shallop 
with sail and oars, having eight persons in it, whom we sup- 
posed at first to be Christians distressed. But approaching 
us nearer, we perceived 1 them to be savages. These com- 
ing within call, hailed us, and w T e answered. Then after 
signs of peace, and a long speech by one of them made, 
they came boldly aboard us, being all naked, saving about 
their shoulders certain loose deer skins, and near their 
wastes seal skins tied fast like to Irish dimrnie trowsers. 
One that seemed to be their commander wore a waistcoat 
of black work, a pair of breeches, cloth stockings, shoes, 
hat and band, one or two more had also a few things made 
by some Christians; these with a piece of chalk described 
the coast thereabouts, and could name Placentia of the 
Newfoundland ; they spoke divers Christian words, and 
seemed to understand much more then we, for want of 
language could comprehend. These people are in color 
swart, their hair Jong, uptied with a knot in the part of be- 
hind the head. They paint their bodies, which are strong 
and well proportioned. These much desired our longer 
stay, but finding ourselves short of our purposed place, we 



74 Archers Account of GosnoloVs Voyage. 

set sail westward, leaving them and their coast. About 
sixteen leagues south-west from thence we perceived in 
that course two small islands, the one lying eastward from 
Savage Rock, the other to the southward of it ; the coast we 
left was full of goodly woods, fair plains, with little green 
round hills above the cliffs appearing unto us, which are in- 
differently raised, but all rocky, and of shining stones, which 
might have persuaded us a longer stay there. 

The fifteenth day we had again sight of the land, which 
made ahead, being as we thought an island, by reason of a 
large sound that appeared westward between it and the 
main, for coming to the west end thereof, we did perceive 
a large opening, we called it Shoal Hope. Near this cape 
we came to anchor in fifteen fathoms, where we took great 
store of codfish, for which we altered the name, and called 
it Cape Cod. Here w 7 e saw sculls of herring, mackerel 
and other small fish, in great abundance. This is a low 
sandy shoal, but without danger, also we came to anchor 
again in sixteen fathoms, fair by the land in the latitude of 
42 degrees. This cape is well near a mile broad, and lieth 
north-east by east. The captain went here ashore and found 
the ground to be full of pease, strawberries, whortleberries, 
&c, as then unripe, the sand also by the shore somewhat 
deep, the firewood there by us taken in was of cypress, 
birch, witch-hazel and beech. A young Indian came here 
to the captain, armed with his bow and arrows, and had 
certain plates of copper hanging at his ears ; he showed a 
willingness to help us in our occasions. 

The sixteenth, we trended the coast southerly, which 
was all champaign and full of grass, but the island some- 
what woody. Twelve leagues from Cape Cod, w 7 e descried 
a point with some breach, a good distance off, and keeping 
our luff to double it, we came on the sudden into shoal 
water, yet w 7 e!l quitted ourselves thereof. This breach we 
called Tucker's Terror, upon his expressed fear. The point 
we named Point Care; having passed it we bore up again 
with the land, and in the- night came with it anchoring in 
eight fathoms, the ground good. 

The seventeenth, appeared many breaches round about us, 
so as we continued that day without remove. 

The eighteenth, being fair we sent forth the boat, to 



Archer's Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 15 

sound over a breach, that in our course lay of another point, 
by us called Gilbert's Point, who returned us four, five, six 
and seven fathoms over. Also, a discovery of divers islands 
which after proved to be hills and hammocks, distinct within 
the land. This day there came unto the ship's side divers 
canoes, the Indians apparelled as aforesaid, with tobacco and 
pipes steeled with copper, skins, artificial strings and other 
trifles to barter ; one had hanging about his neck a plate of 
rich copper, in length a foot, in breadth half a foot for a breast- 
plate, the ears of all the rest had pendants of copper. 
Also, one of them had his face painted over, and head stuck 
with feathers in manner of a turkey-cock's train. These 
are more timorous than those of the Savage Rock, yet very 
thievish. 

The nineteenth, we passed over the breach of Gilbert's 
Point in four or five fathoms, and anchored a league or some- 
what more beyond it ; between the last two points are two 
leagues, the interim, along shoal water, the latitude here is 
41 degrees two third parts. 

The twentieth, by the ship's side, we there killed pen- 
guins, and saw many sculls offish. The coast from Gilbert's 
Point to the supposed isles lieth east and by south. Here 
also we discovered two inlets which might promise fresh 
water, inwardly whereof we perceived much smoke, as 
though some population had there been. This coast is very 
full of people, for that as we trended the same savages still 
run along the shore, as men much admiring at us. 

The one-and-twentieth, we went coasting from Gilbert's 
Point to the supposed isles, in ten, nine, eight, seven, and six 
fathoms, close aboard the shore, and that depth lieth a league 
oiT. A little from the supposed isles, appeared unto us an 
opening, with which we stood, judging it to be the end of 
that which Captain Gosnold descried from Cape Cod, and 
as he thought to extend some thirty or more miles in length, 
and finding there but three fathoms a league off, we omitted 
to make further discovery of the same, calling it Shoal- 
Hope. 

From this opening the main lieth south-west, which coast- 
ing along we saw a disinhabited island, which so afterward 
appeared unto us : w T e bore with it, and named it Martha's 
Vineyard ; from Shoal-Hope it is eight leagues in circuit, the 



76 Archers Account of GosnoWs Voyage. 

island is five miles, and hath 41 degrees and one quarter of 
latitude. The place most pleasant ; for the two-and-twenti- 
eth, we went ashore, and found it full of wood, vines, goose- 
berry bushes, whortleberries, raspberries, eglantines, &c. 
Here we had cranes, stearnes, shoulers, geese, and divers 
other birds which there at that time upon the cliffs being sandy 
with some rocky stones, did breed and had young. In this 
place we saw deer : here we rode in eight fathoms near the 
shore where we took great store of cod, — as before at Cape 
Cod, but much better. 

The three-and-twentieth we weighed, and towards night 
came to anchor at the north-west part of this island, where 
the next morning offered unto us fast running thirteen 
savages apparelled as aforesaid, and armed with bows and 
arrows without any fear. They brought tobacco, deer-skins 
and some sodden fish. These offered themselves unto us in 
great familiarity, who seemed to be well-conditioned. They 
came more rich in copper than any before. This island is 
sound, and hath no danger about it. 

The four-and-twentieth, we set sail and doubled the Cape 
of another island next unto it, which we called Dover Cliff, 
and then came into a fair sound, where we rode all night ; 
the next morning we sent off one boat to discover another 
cape, that lay between us and the main, from which were 
a ledge of rocks a mile into the sea, but all above water, 
and without danger ; we went about them, and came to an- 
chor in eight fathoms, a quarter of a mile from the shore, in 
one of the stateliest sounds that ever I was in. This called 
we Gosnold's Hope ; the north bank whereof is the main, 
which stretcheth east and west. This island Captain Gos- 
nold called Elizabeth's isle, where we determined our abode : 
the distance between every of these islands is, viz. from 
Martha's Vineyard to Dover Cliff, half a league over the 
sound, thence to Elizabeth's isle one league distant. From 
- Elizabeth's island unto the main is four leagues. On the 
north side, near adjoining unto the island Elizabeth, is an 
islet in compass half a mile, full of cedars, by me called Hill's 
Hap, to the northward of which, in the mouth of an open- 
ing on the main, appeareth another the like, that I called 
Hap's Hill, for that I hope much hap may be expected 
from it. 



Archer* s Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 77 

The five-and-twentieth, it was that, we came from Gos- 
nold's Hope. The six-and-twentieth, we trimmed and fitted 
up our shallop. The seven-and-twentieth, there came unto 
us an Indian and two women, the one we supposed to be 
his wife, the other his daughter, both clean and straight- 
bodied, with countenance sweet and pleasant. To these the 
Indian gave heedful attendance for that they shewed them 
in much familiarity with our men, although they would not 
admit of any immodest touch. 

The eight-and-twentieth we entered counsel about, our 
abode and plantation, which was concluded to be in the 
west part of Elizabeth's island. The north-east thereof 
running from out our ken. The south and north standeth 
in an equal parallel. This island in the westernside admit- 
ted! some in creeks, or sandy coves, so girded, as the water 
in some places of each side meeteth, to which the Indians 
from the main do oftentimes resort for fishing of crabs. 
There is eight fathoms very near the shore, and the latitude 
here is 41 degrees 11 minutes, the breadth from sound to 
sound in the western part is not passing a mile at most, 
altogether unpeopled and disinhabited. It is overgrown 
with wood and rubbish, viz. oaks, ashes, beech, walnut, 
witch-hazle, sassafras, and cedars, with divers other of 
unknown names. The rubbish is wild pease, young sassa- 
fras, cherry-trees, vines, eglantines, gooseberry bushes, 
hawthorn, honeysuckles, with others of like quality. The 
herbs and roots are strawberries, raspberries, ground-nuts, 
alexander, surrin, tansy, &c. without count. Touching the 
fertility of the soil by our own experience made, we found it 
to be excellent for sowing some English pulse ; it sprouted out 
in one fortnight almost half a foot. In this island is a stage 
or pond of fresh water, in circuit two miles, on the one side 
not distant from the sea thirty yards, in the centre whereof 
is a rocky islet, containing near an acre of ground full of 
wood, on which we began our fort and place of abode, dis- 
posing itself so fit for the same. These Indians call gold 
wassador, which argueth there is thereof in the country. 

The nine-and-twentieth, we labored in getting of sassa- 
fras, rubbishing our little fort or islet, new keeling our shal- 
lop, and making a punt or flat-bottom boat to pass to and 
fro our fort over the fresh water, the powder of sassafras ? 

VOL. VIII. 10 



78 Archer 9 s Account of Gosnold? s Voyage. 

in twelve hours cured one of our company that had taken 
a great surfeit, by eating the bellies of dog fish, a very deli- 
cious meat. 

The thirtieth, Captain Gosnold, with divers of his company, 
went upon pleasure in the shallop towards Hill's Hap to 
view it and the sandy cove, and returning brought with 
him a canoe that four Indians had there left, being fled away 
for fear of our English, which we brought into England. 

The one-and-thirtieth, Captain Gosnold, desirous to see 
the main because of the distance, he set sail over ; where 
coming to anchor, went ashore with certain of his com- 
pany, and immediately there presented unto him men women 
and children, who, with all courteous kindness entertained 
him, giving him certain skins of wild beasts, which may be 
rich furs, tobacco, turtles, hemp, artificial strings colored, 
chains, and such like things as at the instant they had about 
them. These are a fair-conditioned people. On all the sea- 
coast along we found mussel shells that in color did repre- 
sent mother-of-pearl, but not having means to dredge, could 
not apprehend further knowledge thereof. This main is the 
goodliest continent that ever we saw, promising more by 
far than we any way did expect : for it is replenished with 
fair fields, and in them fragrant flowers, also meadows, and 
hedged in with stately groves, being furnished also with pleas- 
ant brooks, and beautified with two main rivers that (as we 
judge) may haply become good harbors, and conduct us to 
the hopes men so greedily do thirst after. In the mouth 
of one of these inlets or rivers, lieth that little isle before 
mentioned, called Hap's Hill, from which unto the western- 
most end of the main, appearing where the other inlet is, 1 
account some five leagues, and the coast between bendeth 
like a bow, and lieth east and by north. Beyond these two 
inlets we might perceive the main to bear up south-west, 
and more southerly. Thus with this taste of discovery, we 
now contented ourselves, and the same day made return 
unto our fort, time not permitting more sparing delay. 

The first of June, we employed ourselves in getting sassa- 
fras, and the building of our fort. The second, third and 
fourth, we wrought hard to make ready our house for the 
provision to be had ashore to sustain us till our ship's return. 
This day from the main came to our ship's side a canoe, 



Archer's Account of Gosnold 9 s Voyage. 79 

with their lord or chief commander, for that they made little 
stay only pointing to the sun, as in sign that the next day 
he would come and visit us, which he did accordingly. 

The fifth, we continued our labor, when there came unto 
us ashore from the main fifty savages, stout and lusty men 
with their bows and arrows, amongst them there seemed to 
be one of authority, because the rest made an inclining 
respect unto him. The ship was at their coming a league 
off, and Captain Gosnold aboard, and so likewise Captain 
Gilbert, who almost never went ashore, the company with 
me only eight persons. These Indians in hasty manner 
came towards us, so as we thought fit to make a stand at 
an angle between the sea and a fresh water ; I moved mvself 
towards him seven or eight steps, and clapped my hands 
first on the sides of mine head, then on my breast, and after 
presented my musket with a threatening countenance, there- 
by to signify unto them, either a choice of peace or war, 
whereupon he using me with mine own signs of peace, I 
stepped forth and embraced him ; his company then all sat 
down in manner like greyhounds upon their heels, with 
whom my company fell a bartering. By this time Captain 
Gosnold was come with twelve men more from aboard, and 
to show the savage seignior that he was our Captain, we 
received him in a guard, which he passing through, saluted the 
seignior with ceremonies of our salutations, whereat he no- 
thing moved or altered himself. Our Captain gave him a 
straw hat and a pair of knives ; the hat awhile he wore, but 
the knives he beheld with great marvelling, being very bright 
and sharp ; this our courtesy made them all in love with us. 

The sixth, being rainy, we spent idly aboard. The 
seventh, the seignior came again with all his troop as before, 
and continued with us the most part of the day, we going 
to dinner about noon, they sat with us and did eat of our 
bacaleure and mustard, drank of our beer, but the mustard 
nipping them in their noses they could not endure : it was a 
sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith. In 
time of dinner the savages had stole a target, wherewith 
acquainting the seignior, with fear and great trembling they 
restored it again, thinking perhaps we would have been 
revenged for it, but seeing our familiarity to continue, they 
fell afresh to roasting of crabs, red herrings, which were 



80 Archer's Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 

exceeding great, ground nuts, &c. as before. Our dinner 
ended, the seignior first took leave and departed, next all 
the rest saving four that stayed and went into the wood to 
help us dig sassafras, whom we desired to go aboard us, 
which they refused and so departed. 

The eighth we divided the victuals, namely, the ship's 
store for England, and that of the planters, which by Captain 
Gilbert's allowance could be but six weeks for six months, 
whereby there fell out a controversy, the rather, for that some 
seemed secretly to understand of a purpose Captain Gilbert 
had not to return with supply of the issue, those goods 
should make by him to be carried home. Besides, there 
wanted not ambitious conceits in the minds of some wrang- 
ling and ill-disposed persons who overthrew the stay there 
at that time, which upon consultation thereof had, about five 
days after was fully resolved all for England again. There 
came in this interim aboard unto us, that stayed all night, an 
Indian, whom we used kindly, and the next day sent ashore ; 
he showed himself the most sober of all the rest, we held 
him sent as a spy. In the morning, he filched away our pot- 
hooks, thinking he had not done any ill therein ; being 
ashore we bid him strike fire, which with an emerald stone 
(such as the glaziers use to cut glass) he did. I take it to 
be the very same that in Latin is called smiris, for striking 
therewith upon touch-wood that of purpose he had, by 
means of a mineral stone used therein, sparkles proceeded 
and forthwith kindled with making of flame. The ninth, 
we continued working on our storehouse, for as yet remain- 
ed in us a desired resolution of making stay. The tenth, 
Captain Gosnold fell down with the ship to the little islet 
of cedars, called Hill's Hap, to take in cedar wood, leaving 
me and nine more in the fort, only with three meals meat, 
upon promise to return the next day. 

The eleventh, he came not, neither sent, whereupon I 
commanded four of my company to seek out for crabs, lob- 
sters, turtles, &c. for sustaining us till the ships returned, 
which was gone clean out of sight, and had the wind chopped 
up at south-west, with much difficulty would she have been 
able in short time to have made return. „ These four pur- 
veyers, whom I counselled to keep together for their better 
safety, divided themselves, two going one way and two 



Archer's Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 81 

another, in search as aforesaid. One of these petty compa- 
nies was assaulted by four Indians, who with arrows did 
shoot and hurt one of the two in his side, the other, a lusty 
and nimble fellow, leaped in and cut their bow strings, 
whereupon they fled. Being late in the evening, they were 
driven to lie all night in the woods, not knowing the way 
home through the thick rubbish, as also the weather some- 
what stormy. The want of these sorrowed us much, as not 
able to conjecture anything of them unless very evil. 

The twelfth, those two came unto us again, whereat our 
joy was increased, yet the want of our Captain, that promised 
to return, as aforesaid, struck us in a dumpish terror, for 
that he performed not the same in the space of almost three 
days. In the mean we sustained ourselves with alexander 
and sorrel pottage, ground-nuts and tobacco, which gave 
nature a reasonable content. We heard at last, our Captain 
to 'lewre' unto us, which made such music as sweeter never 
came unto poor men. 

The thirteenth, began some of our company that before 
vowed to stay, to make revolt : whereupon the planters 
diminishing, all was given over. The fourteenth, fifteenth 
and sixteenth, we spent in getting sassafras and fire-wood 
of cedar, leaving house and little fort, by ten men in nineteen 
days sufficient made to harbor twenty persons at least with 
their necessary provisions. 

The seventeenth, we set sail, doubling the Rocks of Eliza- 
beth's Island, and passing by Dover Cliff, came to anchor at 
Martha's Vineyard, being five leagues distant from our fort, 
where we went ashore, and had young cranes, herneshowes, 
and geese, which now were grown to pretty bigness. 

The eighteenth, we set sail and bore for England, cutting 
off our shallop, that was well able to land five and twenty 
men or more, a boat very necessary for the like occasions. 
The winds do range most commonly upon this coast in the 
summer time, westerly. In our homeward course we 
observed the foresaid floating weeds to continue till we came 
within two hundred leagues of Europe, The three-and- 
twentieth of July we came to anchor before Exmouth. 



BRIEF AND TRUE RELATION 



OF THE 



DISCOVERY 

OF THE 

NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA; 

BEING A MOST PLEASANT, FRUITFUL AND COMMODIOUS SOIL 

MADE THIS PRESENT YEAR 1602, BY CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, 
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT, AND DIVERS OTHER GEN- 
TLEMEN, THEIR ASSOCIATES, BY THE PERMISSION 
OF THE HONORALE KNIGHT, SIR 
WALTER RALEIGH, &C. 

WRITTEN BY M. JOHN BRERETON, 

ONE OF THE VOYAGE. 
WHEREUNTO IS ANNEXED 

A TREATISE, OF M. EDWARD HAYES, 

CONTAINING IMPORTANT INDUCEMENTS FOR THE PLANTING 

IN THOSE PARTS, AND FINDING A PASSAGE THAT WAY 

TO THE SOUTH SEA, AND CHINA ; WITH DIVERS 

INSTRUCTIONS OF SPECIAL MOMENT, NEWLY 

ADDED TO THIS SECOND IMPRESSION. 



LONDINI : 

IMPENSIS GEOR. BISHOP. 
16 2. 



To the Honorable Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight, Captain of 
her Majesty's Guards, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, 
Lieutenant of Cornwall, and Governor of the Isle of 
Jersey, 

Honorable Sir, — Being earnestly requested by a dear 
friend, to put down in writing, some true relation of our late 
performed voyage to the north parts of Virginia ; at length I 
resolved to satisfy his request, who also emboldened me to 
direct the same to your honorable consideration ; to whom 
indeed of duty it. pertaineth. 

May it please your Lordship therefore to understand, that 
upon the five-and-twentieth of March, 1602, being Friday, 
we went from Falmouth, being in all, two-and -thirty per- 
sons, in a small bark of Dartmouth, called The Concord, 
holding a course for the north part of Virginia : and although 
by chance the wind favored us not at first as we wished, but 
enforced us so far to the southward, as we fell in with Saint 
Mary, one of the islands of the Azores, (which was not much 
out of our way) but holding our course directly from thence, 
we made our journey shorter (than hitherto accustomed) by 
the better part of a thousand leagues, yet were we longer in 
our passage than we expected, which happened, for that our 
bark being weak, we were loth to press her with much sail ; 
also, our sailors being few, and they none of the best, we 
bear (except in fair weather) but low sail ; besides, our going 
upon an unknown coast, made us not over bold to stand in 
with the shore, but in open weather ; w T hich caused us to be 
certain days in sounding, before we discovered the coast, the 
weather being by chance, somewhat foggy. But on Friday, 
the fourteenth of May, early in the morning, we made the 
land, being full of fair trees, the land somewhat low, certain 
hammocks or hills lying into the land, the shore full of white 
sand, but very stony or rocky. And standing fair along by 
the shore, about twelve of the clock the same day, we came 
to an anchor, where eight Indians in a Basque-shallop with 
mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came 
boldly aboard us, one of them apparelled with a waistcoat 
and breeches of black serge, made after our sea-fashion, 
hose and shoes on his feet ; all the rest (saving one that had 

VOL. VIII. 1 1 



86 Brereton's Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 

a pair of breeches of blue cloth) were naked. These people 
are of tall stature, broad and grim visage, of a black swart 
complexion, their eyebrows painted white ; their weapons 
are bows and arrows. It seemed by some words and signs 
they made, that some Basques or of St. John de Luz, have 
fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude of 43 
degrees. 

But riding here, in no very good harbor, and withal, 
doubting the weather, about three of the clock the same day 
in the afternoon we weighed, and standing southerly off into 
sea the rest of that day and the night following, with a fresh 
gale of wind, in the morning we found ourselves embayed 
with a mighty headland ; but coming to an anchor about nine 
of the clock the same day, within a league of the shore, we 
hoisted out the one half of our shallop, and Captain Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold, myself and three others, went ashore, being 
a white sandy and very bold shore ; and marching all that 
afternoon with our muskets on our necks, on the highest 
hills which we saw (the weather very hot,) at length we per- 
ceived this headland to be parcel of the main, and sundry 
islands lying almost round about it : so returning towards 
evening) to our shallop (for by that time the other part was 
brought ashore and set together) we espied an Indian, a 
young man, of proper stature, and of a pleasing countenance, 
and after some familiarity with him, we left him at the sea 
side, and returned to our ship ; where in five or six hours' 
absence, we had pestered our ship so with codfish, that we 
threw numbers of them overboard again : and surely, I am 
persuaded that in the months of March, April, and May, 
there is upon this coast better fishing, and in as great plenty, 
as in Newfoundland : for the sculls of mackerel, herrings, 
cod, and other fish, that we daily saw as we went and came 
from the shore, were wonderful ; and besides, the places 
where we took these cods (and might in a few days have 
laden our ship) were but in seven fathoms water, and within 
less than a league of the shore : where, in Newfoundland 
they fish in forty or fifty fathoms water, and far off. 

From this place we sailed round about this headland, al- 
most all the points of the compass, the shore very bold : but 
as no coast is free from dangers, so I am persuaded, this is 
as free as any. The land somewhat low, full of goodly 



Brereton's Account of GosnoWs Voyage. 87 

woods, but in some places plain. At length we were come 
amongst many fair islands, which we had partly discerned 
at our first landing ; all lying within a league or two one of 
another, and the outermost not above five or seven leagues 
from the main : but coming to an anchor under one of them,* 
which was about three or four leagues from the main, cap- 
tain Gosnold, myself, and some others, went ashore, and 
going round about it, we found it to be four English miles in 
compass, without house or inhabitant, saving a little old 
house made of boughs, covered with bark, an old piece of a 
weare of the Indians to catch fish, and one or two places, 
where they had made fires. The chiefest trees of this island 
are beeches and cedars, the outward parts all overgrown 
w T ith low bushy trees, three or four feet in height, which 
bear some kind of fruits, as appeared by their blossoms ; 
strawberries, red and white, as sweet and much bigger than 
ours in England ; raspberries, gooseberries, whortleberries, 
and such an incredible store of vines, as well in the woody 
part of the Island, where they run upon every tree, as on 
the outward parts, that we could not go for treading upon 
them ; also, many springs of excellent sweet water, and a 
great standing lake of fresh water, near the sea-side, an 
English mile in compass, which is maintained with the 
springs running exceeding pleasantly through the woody 
grounds which are very rocky. Here are also in this 
island, great store of deer, w T hich we saw, and other beasts, 
as appeared by their tracks ; as also divers fowls, as 
cranes, hernshaws, bitterns, geese, mallards, teals, and other 
fowls, in great plenty ; also, great store of pease, which grow- 
in certain plots all the island over. On the north side of 
this island we found many huge bones and ribs of whales. 
This island, as also all the rest of these islands are full of all 
sorts of stones fit for building ; the sea sides all covered with 
stones, many of them glistening and shining like mineral 
stones, and very rocky : also, the rest of these islands are 
replenished with these commodities, and upon some of them, 
inhabitants ; as upon an island to the northward, and within 
two leagues of this ; yet we found no towns, nor many of 
their houses, although we saw many Indians, which are tall 

* The first Island called Martha's Vineyard. Note in original. 



88 Brereton^s Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 

big-boned men, all naked, saving tbey cover their private 
parts with a black towed skin, much like a blacksmiths 
apron, tied about their middle and between their legs be- 
hind : they gave us of their fish ready boiled, (which they 
carried in a basket made of twigs, not unlike our osier,) 
whereof we did eat, and judged them to be fresh water fish : 
they gave us also of their tobacco, which they drink green, 
but dried into powder, very strong and pleasant, and much 
better than any I have tasted in England : the necks of their 
pipes are made of clay hard dried, (whereof in that island is 
great store both red and white,) the other part is a piece of 
hollow copper, very finely closed and cemented together. 
We gave unto them certain trifles, as knives, points, and 
such like, which they much esteemed. 

From hence we went to another island, to the northwest 
of this, and within a league or two of the main, which we 
found to be greater than before we imagined, being sixteen 
English miles at the least in compass ; for it containeth many 
pieces or necks of land, which differ nothing from several 
islands, saving that certain banks of small breadth do, like 
bridges, join them to this island. On the outsides of this 
island are many plain places of grass, abundance of straw- 
berries and other berries before mentioned. In mid May we 
did sow in this island (for a trial) in sundry places, wheat, 
barley, oats, and pease, which in fourteen days were sprung 
up nine inches and more. The soil is fat and lusty, the 
upper crust of grey color ; but a foot or less in depth, of the 
color of our hemplands in England ; and being thus apt for 
these and the like grains ; the sowing or setting (after the 
ground is closed) is no greater labor, than if you should set or 
sow in one of our best prepared gardens in England. *This 
island is full of high timbered oaks, their leaves thrice so 
broad as ours ; cedars, straight and tall ; beech, elm, holly, 
walnut trees in abundance, the fruit as big as ours, as ap- 
peared by those we found under the trees, which had lain 
all the year ungathered ; hazle-nut trees, cherry trees, the 
leaf, bark and bigness not differing from ours in England, 
but the stalk beareth the blossoms or fruit at the end thereof, 
like a cluster of grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch ; sassafras 

* Here begins the extract in Purchas. 



Breretorts Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 89 

trees, great plenty all the island over, a tree of high price and 
profit ; also, divers other fruit trees, some of them with 
strange barks of an orange color, in feeling soft and smooth 
like velvet : in the thickest parts of these woods, you may 
see a furlong or more round about. On the north-west side 
of this island, near to the sea-side, is a standing lake of fresh 
water, almost three English miles in compass, in the midst 
whereof stands a plot of woody ground, an acre in quantity 
or not above : this lake is full of small tortoises, and exceed- 
ingly frequented with all sorts of fowls before rehearsed, 
which breed, some low on the banks, and others on low 
trees about this lake in great abundance, whose young ones of 
all sorts we took and eat at our pleasure : but all these fowls 
are much bigger than ours in England. Also, in every 
island, and almost in every part of every island, are great store 
of ground-nuts, forty together on a string, some of them as 
big as hen's eggs ; they grow not two inches under ground : 
the which nuts we found to be as good as potatoes. Also, 
divers sorts of shell-fish, as scollops, muscles, cockles, lob- 
sters, crabs, oysters, and wilks, exceeding good and very 
great. 

But not to cloy you w 7 ith particular rehearsal of such things 
as God and nature hath bestowed on these places, in com- 
parison whereof the most fertile part of England is (of itself) 
but barren : we went in our light-horseman from this island 
to the main, right against this island some two leagues off, 
where coming ashore, we stood awhile like men ravished at 
the beauty and delicacy of this sweet soil ; for besides divers 
clear lakes of fresh water, (whereof we saw no end) meadows 
very large and full of green grass ; even the most woody 
places (I speak only of such as I saw,) do grow so distinct 
and apart, one tree from another, upon green grassy ground, 
somewhat higher than the plains, as if nature would show 
herself above her power, artificial. Hard by we espied seven 
Indians, and coming up to them, at first they expressed 
some fear ; but being emboldened by our courteous usage, 
and some trifles w T hich we gave them, they followed us to a 
neck of land, which we imagined had been severed from 
the main ; but finding it otherwise, we perceived a broad 
harbor or river's mouth, which ran up into the main ; and 
because the day was far spent, we were forced to return to 



90 Breretorfs Account of Gosnold? s Voyage. 

the island from whence we came, leaving the discovery of 
this harbor, for a time of better leisure. Of the goodness of 
which harbor, as also of many others thereabouts, there is 
small doubt, considering that all the islands, as also the main 
(where we were) is all rocky grounds and broken lands. 
Now the next day, we determined to fortify ourselves in a 
little plot of ground in the midst of the lake abovementioned, 
where we built our house, and covered it with sedge, which 
grew about this lake in great abundance ; in building whereof 
we spent three weeks and more : but the second day after 
our coming from the main, we espied eleven canoes or boats, 
with fifty Indians in them, coming toward us from this part 
of the main, where we, two days before landed ; and being 
loath they should discover our fortification, we went out on 
the sea-side to meet them ; and coming somewhat near 
them, they all sat down upon the stones, calling aloud to us 
(as we rightly guessed) to do the like, a little distance from 
them : having sat awhile in this order, Captain Gosnold 
willed me to go unto them, to see what countenance they 
would make ; but as soon as 1 came up unto them, one of 
them, to whom I had given a knife two days before in the 
main, knew me, (whom I also very well remembered) and 
smiling upon me, spake somewhat unto their lord or captain, 
which sat in the midst of them, who presently rose up and 
took a large beaver skin from one that stood about him, and 
gave it unto me, which I requited for that time, the best I 
could ; but I, pointing towards Captain Gosnold, made signs 
unto him, that he was our captain, and desirous to be his 
friend, and enter league with him, which (as I perceived) he 
understood, and made signs of joy: whereupon Captain 
Gosnold with the rest of his company, being twenty in all, 
came up unto them ; and after many signs of gratulations 
(Captain Gosnold presenting their lord with certain trifles 
which they wondered at, and highly esteemed,) we became 
very great friends, and sent for meat aboard our shallop, and 
gave them such meats as we had then ready dressed, 
whereof they misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat 
they made many a sour face. While we were thus merry, 
one of them had conveyed a target of ours into one of their 
canoes, which we suffered, only to try whether they were in 
subjection to this lord to whom we made signs (by shewing 



Breretorts Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 91 

him another of the same likeness, and pointing to the canoe) 
what one of his company had done : who suddenly expressed 
some fear, and speaking angrily to one about him (as we 
perceived by his countenance,) caused it presently to be 
brought back again. So the rest of the day we spent in 
trading with them for furs, which are beavers, luzernes, 
martins, otters, wild-cat skins, very large and deep fur, 
black foxes, coney skins, of the color of our hares, but some- 
what less ; deer skins, very large, seal skins, and other beasts' 
skins, to us unknown. They have also great store of cop- 
per, some very red, and some of a paler color: none of them 
but have chains, ear-rings or collars of this metal : they head 
some of their arrows herewith much like our broad arrow 
heads, very workmanly made. Their chains are many hol- 
low pieces cemented together, each piece of the bigness of 
one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelve of them 
together on a string, which they wear about their necks : 
their collars they wear about their bodies like bandeliers a 
handful broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but some- 
what shorter, four hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and 
evenly set together. Besides these they have large drinking 
cups made like skulls, and other thin plates of copper, made 
much like our boar spear blades, all which they so little es- 
teem, as they offered their fairest collars or chains for a knife 
or such like trifle, but we seemed little to regard it ; yet I 
was desirous to understand where they had such store of 
this metal, and made signs to one of them (with whom I was 
very familiar) who taking a piece of copper in his hand, made 
a hole with his finger in the ground, and withal pointed to 
the main from whence they came. They strike fire in this 
manner ; every one carrieth about him in a purse of tewed 
leather, a mineral stone (which I take to be their copper,) 
and with a flat emery stone (wherewith glaziers cut glass, 
and cutlers glaze blades,) tied fast to the end of a little stick, 
gently he striketh upon the mineral stone, and within a stroke 
or two, a spark falleth upon a piece of touchwood (much like 
our sponge in England,) and with the least spark he maketh 
a fire presently. We had also of their flax, wherewith they 
make many strings and cords, but it is not so bright of color 
as ours in England : I am persuaded they have great store 
growing upon the main, as also mines and many other rich 



92 BreretorCs Account of Gosnold's Voyage. 

commodities, which we, wanting both time and means, could 
not possibly discover. 

Thus they continued with us three days, every night re- 
tiring themselves to the furthermost part of our island two or 
three miles from our fort : but the fourth day they returned 
to the main, pointing five or six times to the sun, and once 
to the main, which we understood, that within five or six 
days they would come from the main to us again ; but being 
in their canoes a little from the shore, they made huge cries 
and shouts of joy unto us ; and we with our trumpet and 
cornet, and casting up our caps into the air, made them the 
best farewell we could : yet six or seven of them remained 
with us behind, bearing us company every day into the 
woods, and helped us to cut and carry our sassafras, and 
some of them lay aboard our ship. 

These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of 
disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that 
we have seen ; so for shape of body and lovely favor, I think 
they excel all the people of America ; of stature much higher 
than we; of complexion or color, much like a dark olive; 
their eyebrows and hair black, which they wear long, tied 
up behind in knots, whereon they prick feathers of fowls, in 
fashion of a coronet ; some of them are black thin bearded ; 
they make beards of the hair of beasts : and .one of them 
offered a beard of their making to one of our sailors, for his 
that grew on his face, which because it was of a red color, 
they judged to be none of his own. They are quick-eyed, 
and steadfast in their looks, fearless of others' harms, as in- 
tending none themselves ; some of the meaner sort given to 
filching, which the very name of savages (not weighing their 
ignorance in good or evil,) may easily excuse : their gar- 
ments are of deer skins, and some of them wear furs round 
and close about their necks. They pronounce our language 
with great facility ; for one of them one day sitting by me, 
upon occasion I spake smiling to him these words : How 
now (sirrah) are you so saucy with my tobacco ? which 
words (without any further repetition,) he suddenly spake 
so plain and distinctly, as if he had been a long scholar 
in the language. Many other such trials we had, which are 
here needless to repeat. Their women (such as we saw) 
which were but three in all, were but low of stature, their 



Brereton's Account of Gosnold' s Voyage. 93 

eyebrows, hair, apparel, and manner of wearing, like to the 
men, fat, and very well favored, and much delighted in our 
company ; the men are very dutiful towards them. And 
truly, the wholesomeness and temperature of this climate, 
doth not only argue this people to be answerable to this de- 
scription, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active, 
strong, healthful, and very witty, as the sundry toys of theirs 
cunningly wrought, may easily witness. For the agreeing 
of this climate with us (I speak of myself, and so I may 
justly do for the rest of our company,) that we found our 
health and strength all the while we remained there, so to 
renew and increase, as notwithstanding our diet and lodg- 
ing was none of the best, yet not one of our company (God 
be thanked,) felt the least grudging or inclination to any 
disease or sickness, but were much fatter and in better health 
than when we went out of England. 

But after our bark had taken in so much sassafras, cedar, 
furs, skins, and other commodities, as were thought con- 
venient, some of our company that had promised Captain 
Gosnold to stay, having nothing but a saving voyage in their 
minds, made our company of inhabitants (which was small 
enough before) much smaller ; so as Captain Gosnold seeing 
his whole strength to consist but of twelve men, and they 
but meanly provided, determined to return for England, 
leaving this island (which he called Elizabeth's Island) with 
as many true sorrowful eyes, as were before desirous to see 
it. So the 18th of June being Friday, we weighed, and 
with indifferent fair wind and weather, came to anchor the 
23d of July, being also Friday, (in all, bare five weeks) 
before Exmouth. 

Your Lordship's to command, 

John Brereton. 

A brief Note of such commodities as we saw in the country, 
notwithstanding our small time of stay. 
Trees. Sassafras trees, the roots whereof at 3s. the 
pound, are 336/. the ton ; cedars, tall and straight, in great 
abundance ; cypress trees ; oaks ; walnut trees, great store ; 
elms; beech; holly; hazlenut trees; cherry trees; cotton 
trees; other fruit to us unknown. The finder of our sassa- 
fras in these parts was one Master Robert Meriton. 

VOL. VIII. 12 



94 Mace's Voyage to Virgi 



inia. 



Fowls. Eagles; hernshaws ; cranes ; bitterns ; mallards ; 
teals ; geese ; penguins ; ospreys and hawks ; crows ; ra- 
vens ; mews ; doves ; sea-pies ; blackbirds, with carnation 
wings. 

Beasts. Deer, in great store, very great and large ; bears ; 
luzernes ; black foxes ; beavers ; otters ; wild-cats, very large 
and great ; dogs like foxes, black and sharp-nosed ; conies. 

Fruits, Plants and Herbs. Tobacco, excellent sweet and 
strong ; vines, in more plenty than in France ; ground-nuts, 
good meat, and also medicinable ; stawberries ; raspberries ; 
gooseberries ; whortleberries ; pease, growing naturally ; flax ; 
iris florentina, whereof apothecaries make sweet balls ; sor- 
rel, and many other herbs wherewith they make salads. 

Fishes. Whales ; tortoises, both on land and sea ; seals ; 
cods ; mackerel ; breames ; herrings ; thornbacks ; hakes ; 
rockfish ; dogfish ; lobsters ; crabs ; muscles ; wilks ; cockles ; 
scollops ; oysters ; snakes, four feet in length, and six inches 
about, which the Indians eat for dainty meat, the skins 
whereof they use for girdles. 

Colors to dye with, reel, white, and black. 

Metals and Stones. Copper, in great abundance; emery 
stones, for glaziers and cutlers ; alabaster, very white ; stones 
glistering and shining like mineral stones ; stones of a blue 
metalline color, which we take to be steel ore ; stones of all 
sorts for buildings ; clay, red and white, which may prove 
good terra sigillata. 



A brief Note of the sending another Bark this present year,. 
1602, by the Honorable Knight, Sir Walter Raleigh, for 
the searching out of his Colony in Virginia. 

Samuel Mace, of Weymouth, a very sufficient mariner, 
an honest sober man, who had been at Virginia twice before, 
was employed thither by Sir Walter Raleigh, to find those 
people which were left there in the year 1587. To whose 
succor he hath sent five several times at his own charges. 
The parties by him set forth, performed nothing ; some of 
them following their own profits elsewhere ; others returning 
with frivolous allegations. At this last time, to avoid all ex- 
cuse, he bought a bark, and hired all the company for wages 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 95 

by the month ; who departing from Weymouth in March 
last, 1602, fell forty leagues to the south-westward of Hat- 
teras, in thirty-four degrees or thereabout ; and having there 
spent a month ; when they came along the coast to seek the 
people, they did it not, pretending that the extremity of 
weather and loss of some principal ground-tackle, forced and 
feared them from searching the port of Hatteras, to which 
they were sent. From that place where they abode, they 
brought sassafras, radix chinae, or the china root, Benjamin, 
cassia, lignea, and a rind of a tree more strong than any 
spice as yet known, with divers other commodities, which 
hereafter in a larger discourse may come to light. 



A Treatise, containing important Inducements for the plant- 
ing in these Parts, and finding a Passage that way to the 
South Sea and China. 

The voyage which we intend is to plant Christian people 
and religion upon the North-west countries of America, in 
places temperate and well agreeing with our constitution, 
which though the same do lie between 40 and 44 degrees 
of latitude, under the parallels of Italy and France, yet are 
not they so hot ; by reason that the sun's heat is qualified 
in his course over the ocean, before he arriveth upon the 
coasts of America, attracting much vapor from the sea, which 
mitigation of his heat, we take for a benefit to us that intend 
to inhabit there ; because under the climate of 40 degrees, 
the same would be too vehement else for our bodies to 
endure. 

These lands were never yet actually possessed by any 
Christian prince or people, yet often intended to be by the 
French nation, which long since had inhabited there, if 
domestic wars had not withheld them : notwithstanding 
the same are the rightful inheritance of her Majesty, being 
first discovered by our nation in the time of King Henry the 
seventh, under the conduct of John Cabot and his sons : by 
which title of first discovery, the kings of Portugal and 
Spain do hold and enjoy their ample and rich kingdoms in 
their Indies East and West ; and also lately planted in part 
by the colonies sent thither by the honorable knight Sir 
Walter Raleigh. 



96 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

The course unto these countries, is through the ocean, 
altogether free from all restraint by foreign princes to be 
made ; whereunto other our accustomed trades are subject ; 
apt for most winds that can blow, to be performed commonly 
in thirty or thirty-five days. The coast fair, with safe roads 
and harbors for ships : many rivers. 

These lands be fair and pleasant, resembling France, 
intermeddled with mountains, valleys, meadows, woodlands, 
and champaigns. The soil is exceeding strong, by reason it 
was never manured : and will be therefore most fit to bear 
at first, rape seeds, hemp, flax, and whatsoever else requireth 
such strong soil. Rape oils, and all sorts of oils, will be 
very commodious for England, which spendeth oils abun- 
dantly about clothing and leather-dressing. In like sort, 
hemp and flax are profitable, whether the same be sent into 
England, or wrought there by our people. Oad also will 
grow there as well or better than in Tercera. 

The savages w T ear fair colors in some of their attire, 
whereby we hope to find rich dies and colors for painting. 

The trees are for the most part cedars, pines, spruce, fir, 
and oaks to the northward. Of these trees will be drawn 
tar and pitch, rosin, turpentine, and soap ashes. They will 
make masts for the greatest ships of the world : excellent 
timbers of cedar, and boards for curious building. 

The cliffs upon the coasts and mountains everywhere 
show great likelihood of minerals. A very rich mine of 
copper is found, whereof I have seen proof; and the place 
described, not far from which there is great hope also of a 
silver mine. There be fair quarries of stone, of beautiful 
colors, for buildings. 

The ground bringeth forth, without industry, pease, roses, 
grapes, hemp, besides other plants, fruits, herbs, and flowers, 
whose pleasant view and delectable smells, do demonstrate 
sufficiently the fertility and sweetness of that soil and air. 

Beasts of many kinds ; some of the bigness of an ox,, 
whose hides make good buff; deer, both red and of other 
sorts in abundance ; luzerns, martens, sables, beavers, 
bears, otters, wolves, foxes, and squirrels, which to the north- 
ward are black, and accounted very rich furs. 

Fowls both of the water and land, infinite store and varie- 
ty ; hawks both short and long winged. Partridges in 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 97 

abundance, which are very great, and easily taken. Birds 
great and small, some like unto our black birds, others like 
canary birds ; and many (as well birds as other creatures) 
strange and differing from ours of Europe. * 

Fish, namely, cods, which as we incline more unto the 
south, are more large and vendible for England and France, 
than the Newland fish. Whales and seals in great abundances. 
Oils of them are rich commodities for England, whereof we 
now make soap, besides many other uses. Item. Tunneys, 
anchoves, bonits, salmons, lobsters, oysters having pearl, 
and infinite other sorts of fish, which are more plentiful upon 
those north-west coasts of America, than in any parts of the 
known world. Salt is reported to be found there, which 
else may be made there, to serve sufficiently for all fishing. 

So as the commodities there to be raised both of the 
sea and land (after that we have planted our people skilful 
and industrious) will be fish, whale and seal oils, soap ashes 
and soap, tar and pitch, rosin and turpentine, masts, timber 
and boards of cedars, firs and pines, hemp, flax, cables and 
ropes, sail cloths, grapes, and raisins, and wines, corn, rape- 
seeds and oils, hides, skins, furs, dyes, and colors for painting. 
Pearls, metals, and other minerals. 

These commodities before rehearsed, albeit for the most 
part they be gross, yet are the same profitable for the state 
of England, especially, as well in regard of the use of such 
commodities, as for the employment also of our people and 
ships ; the want whereof, doth decay our towns and ports 
of England, and causeth the realm to swarm full with poor 
and idle people. 

These commodities in like sort are of great use and esti- 
mation in all the south and western countries of Europe, 
namely, Italy, France, and Spain ; for the which all nations 
that have been accustomed to repair unto the Newfoundland 
for the commodity of fish and oils alone, will henceforward 
forsake the Newfoundland, and trade with us, when once 
we have planted people in those parts ; by whose industry 
shall be provided for all commerce, both fish and oils, and 
many commodities besides, of good importance and value. 
Then will the Spaniards and Portugals bring unto us in 
exchange of such commodities before mentioned, wines, 
sweet oils, fruits, spices, sugars, silks, gold and silver, or 



98 Tracts appended to Brereton 

whatsoever that Europe yieldeth, to supply our necessities 
and to increase our delights. 

For which Spanish commodities and other sorts likewise, 
our merchants of England will bring unto us again, cloth, 
cattle, for our store and breed, and everything else that we 
shall need, or that England shall haply exchange for such 
commodities. 

By this intercourse, our habitations will be made a staple 
of all vendible commodities of the world, and a means to 
vent a very great quantity of our English cloth into all the 
cold regions of America extending very far. 

This intercourse also will be soon drawn together by this 
reason : that near adjoining upon the same coasts of New- 
foundland, is the greatest fishing of the world ; whither do 
yearly repair about four hundred sails of ships, for no other 
commodity than fish and whale oils. Then forasmuch as 
merchants are diligent inquisitors after gains, they will soon 
remove their trade from Newfoundland unto us near at hand, 
for so great increase of gain as they shall make by trading 
with us. For whereas the voyage into the Newfoundland 
is into a more cold and intemperate place, not to be traded 
nor frequented at all times, nor fortified for security of the 
ships and goods : oft spoiled by pirates or men-of-war : the 
charges great for salt, double manning and double victualling 
their ships, in regard that the labor is great and the time 
long, before their lading can be ready ; they carry outwards 
no commodities for freight ; and after six months' voyage, 
their return is made but of fish and oils, contrariwise, by 
trading with us at our intended place, the course shall be in 
a manner as short ; into a more temperate and healthful 
climate ; at all times of the year to be traded ; harbors for- 
tified to secure ships and goods : charges abridged of salt, 
victualling and manning ships double ; because lading shall 
be provided unto their hands at a more easy rate than them- 
selves could make it. They shall carry freight also out- 
ward, to make exchange with us ; and so get profit both 
ways ; and then every four months they may make a voyage 
and return, of both fish and oils, and many other commodi- 
ties of good worth. 

These reasons advisedly weighed shall make our enter- 
prise appear easy, and the most profitable of the world, for 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 99 

our nation to undertake. The reasons we chiefly rely upon 
are these, namely : 

1. Those lands which we intend to inhabit, shall minister 
unto our people, the subject and matter of many notable 
commodities. 

2. England shall afford us people, both men, women and 
children, above ten thousand, which may very happily be 
spared from hence to work those commodities there. 

3. Newfoundland shall minister shipping to carry away 
all our commodities, and to bring others unto us again for 
our supply. 

Now two of these reasons are already effected unto our 
hands ; that is to say : the place where we shall find rich 
commodities, and ships to vent them. It remaineth only 
for our parts to carry and transport people with their provis- 
ions from England, where the misery and necessity of many 
cry out lor such help and relief. 

This considered, no nation of Christendom is so fit for this 
action as England, by reason of our superfluous people (as 
I may term them) and of our long domestical peace, and 
after that we be once two hundred men strong, victualled 
and fortified, we cannot be removed by as many thousands. 

For besides, that we have seen both in France and the 
low countries, where two hundred men well fortified and 
victualled, have kept out the forces both of the French and 
Spanish kings, even within their own kingdoms : it shall be 
also a matter of great difficulty, to transport an army over 
the ocean with victuals and munition, and afterwards to 
abide long siege abroad, against us fortified within, where 
the very elements and famine shall fight for us, though we 
should lie still and defend only. 

The savages neither in this attempt shall hurt us, they 
being simple, naked and unarmed, destitute of edge tools or 
weapons ; whereby they are unable either to defend them- 
selves or to offend us : neither is it our intent to provoke, 
but to cherish and win them into Christianity by fair means ; 
yet not to hurt them too far, but to provide against all 
accidents. 

Then to conclude, as we of all other nations are most fit 
for a discovery and planting in remote places : even so, 
under the heavens there is no place to be found so conven- 



100 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

ient for such a purpose ; by reason of the temperature, com- 
modities apt fit for trade, and repair thither already of so 
many ships, which in any other frequented country cannot 
be procured in a man's age, nor with expense of half a 
million. So as the only difficulty now, is in our first pre- 
paration to transport some few people at the beginning ; the 
charges whereof shall be defrayed by our first return of fish 
and some commodities of sassafras, hides, skins and furs — 
which we shall also have by trading with the savages. The 
proof of which commodities shall encourage our merchants 
to venture largely in the next. The supply shall easily and 
continually be sent by ships, which yearly go from hence 
unto the Newfoundland and us ; and the intercourse and 
exchange we shall have with all nations repairing thither, 
shall store us with abundance of all things for our necessities 
and delights. Which reasons, if they had been foreseen of 
them that planted in the south part of Virginia, (which is a 
place destitute of good harbors, and far from all trade.) no 
doubt but if they had settled nearer unto this frequented 
trade in the Newfoundland they had by this time been a 
flourishing state, and plentiful in all things; who also might 
then have made way into the bowels of that large continent, 
where assuredly we shall discover very goodly and rich 
kingdoms and cities. 

It may also seem a matter of great consequence for the 
good and security of England, that out of these northerly 
regions we shall be able to furnish this realm of all manner 
of provisions for our navies : namely, pitch, rosin, cables, 
ropes, masts, and such like ; which shall be made within 
those her Majesty's own dominions, by her own subjects, 
and brought hither through the ocean, free from the restraint 
of any other prince : whereby the customs and charges be- 
stowed by our merchants (to the enriching of foreign es- 
tates) shall be lessened, and turned to the benefit of her 
Highness and her deputies in those parts ; which also shall 
deliver our merchants from many troubles and molestations 
which they now unwillingly endure in our East trades ; and 
shall make us the less to doubt the malice of those States 
whom now we may not offend, lest we should be intercepted 
of the same provisions, to the weakening of our navy, the 
most royal defence of this noble realm. 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 101 



Of a convenient Passage and Trade into the South Sea, under 
Temperate Regions, part by Rivers, and some part over 
Land in the Continent of America. 

I will add hereunto an assured hope (grounded upon in- 
fallible reasons) of a way to be made part overland, and part 
by rivers or lakes, into the South Seas unto Cathay, China, 
and those passing rich countries, lying in the East parts of 
the world : which way or passage (supposed to be beyond 
the uttermost bounds of America, under the frozen zone) 
is nevertheless, held by the opinion of many learned writers 
and men of judgment now living, to be in these more tem- 
perate regions ; and that the same shall never be made 
known, unless we plant first; whereby we shall learn as 
much by inquisition of the natural inhabitants, as by our 
own navigations. 1 will not herein rely upon reports made 
in the Frenchmen's discoveries ; that the sea which giveth 
passage into Cathay, extendeth from the North, near unto 
the river of Canada, into 44 degrees, where the same of the 
savages is called Tadonac. 

Neither upon the discoveries of Jaques Noel, who having 
passed beyond the three Saults, where Jaques Cartier left to 
discover, finding the river of St. Lawrence passable on the 
other side or branch ; and afterwards, understood of the in- 
habitants ; that the same river did lead into a mighty lake 
which at the entrance was fresh, but beyond, was bitter or 
salt, the end whereof was unknown. 

Omitting therefore these hopes, I will ground my opinion 
upon reason and nature, which will not fail. 

For this we know already, that great rivers have been 
discovered a thousand English miles into that continent of 
America ; namely, that of St. Lawrence or Canada. But 
not regarding miles more or less, most assuredly, that and 
other known rivers there do descend from the highest parts 
or mountains, or middle of that continent, into our North 
sea. And like as those mountains do cast from them streams 
into our North seas ; even so the like they do into the South 
sea, which is on the back of that continent. 

For all mountains have their descents toward the seas 

VOL. VIII. 13 



102 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

about them, which are the lowest places and proper mansions 
of water: and waters (which are contained in the moun- 
tains, as it were in cisterns,) descending naturally, do al- 
ways resort unto the seas environing those lands ; for ex- 
ample : from the Alps confining Germany, France, and 
Italy, the mighty river Danube doth take his course east, 
and dischargeth into the Politique sea : the Rhine north, 
and falleth into the German sea ; the Rhone, west, and 
goeth into the Mediterranean sea : the Po, south, is emptied 
into the Adriatic, or Gulf of Venice : other instances may 
be produced to like effect in Africa ; yea, at home amongst 
the mountains in England. 

Seeing then in nature this cannot be denied, and by ex- 
perience elsewhere is found to be so, I will show how a 
trade may be disposed more commodiously into the South 
sea through these temperate and habitable regions, than by 
the frozen zones in the supposed passages of north-west or 
north-east : where if the very moment be omitted of the 
time to pass, then are we like to be frozen in the seas or 
forced to winter in extreme cold and darkness like unto hell : 
or in the midst of summer, we shall be in peril to have our 
ships overwhelmed or crushed in pieces by hideous and fear- 
ful mountains of ice floating upon those seas. 

Therefore four staple-places must be erected, when the 
most short and passable way is found : that is to say, two 
upon the north side, at the head and fall of the river ; and 
two others on the south side, at the head and fall also of that 
other river. 

Provided, that ships may pass up those rivers unto the 
staples, so far as the same be navigable into the land : and 
afterwards, that boats with flat bottoms may also pass so 
high and near the heads of the rivers unto the staples, as 
possibly they can, even with less than two foot water, which 
cannot then be far from the heads ; as in the river of Chagre. 
That neck or space of land between the two heads of the 
said rivers, if it be one hundred leagues (which is not like) 
the commodities from the North and from the South Sea 
brought thither, may well be carried over the same upon 
horses, mules, or beasts of that country apt to labor (as the 
elk or buffel) or by the aid of many savages accustomed to 
burdens : who shall stead us greatly in these affairs. 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 103 

It is moreover to be considered, that all these countries 
do yield (so far as is known) cedars, pines, fir trees and oaks, 
to build, mast, and yard ships ; wherefore we may not doubt, 
but that ships may be builded on the South Sea. 

Then as ships on the south side may go and return to and 
from Cathay, China, and other most rich regions of the east 
world in five months or thereabouts ; even so the goods being 
carried over unto the north side, ships may come thither from 
England to fetch the same goods, and return by a voyage of 
four or five months usually. 

So as in every four months may be returned into England 
the greatest, riches of Cathay, China, Japan, and the rest 
which will be spices, drugs, musk, pearl, stones, gold, silver, 
silks, cloths of gold, and all manner of precious things, 
which shall recompense the time and labor of their transpor- 
tation and carriage, if it were as far and dangerous as the 
Moors trade is from Fez and Morocco (over the burning 
and movable sands, in which they perish many times, and 
suffer commonly great distresses) unto the river called Niger 
in Africa, and from thence, up the said river many hundred 
miles ; afterwards over land again, unto the river Nilus ; and 
so unto Cairo in Egypt, from whence they return the way 
they came. 

Or if it were a voyage so far as our merchants have made 
into Persia even to Ormus, by the way of the North, through 
Russia into the Caspian sea and so forth, with payment of 
many tolls. But this passage over and through the conti- 
nent of America, as the same shall be always under tem- 
perate and habitable climates, and a pleasant passage after 
it hath vbeen a little frequented : even so it must fall out 
much shorter than it seemeth, by false description of that 
continent, which doth not extend so far into the west as by 
later navigations is found and described in more exquisite 
charts. Besides that, the sea extends itself into the land 
very far in many places on the south side : whereby access 
into the South ocean, shall be by so much the shorter. 



104 Tracts appended to Brereton. 



Inducements to the liking of the Voyage intended towards 
Virginia in 40 and 42 degrees of latitude, written 1585, 
by M. Richard Hahluyt the elder some time Student of the 
Middle Temple. 

The glory of God by planting of religion among those 
infidels. 

2. The increase of the force of the Christians. 

3. The possibility of the enlarging of the dominions of the 
Queen's most excellent Majesty, and consequently of her 
honor, revenues, and of her power by this enterprise. 

4. An ample vent in time to come of the woollen cloths 
of England, especially those of the coarsest sorts, to the 
maintenance of our poor, that else starve or become burden- 
some to the realm ; and vent also of sundry other commodi- 
ties upon the tract of that firm land, and possibly in other 
regions from the northern side of that main. 

5. A great possibility of further discoveries of other regions 
from the north part of the same land by sea, and of unspeak- 
able honor and benefit that may rise upon the same, by the 
trades to ensue in Japan, China, and Cathay, &c. 

6. By return thence, this realm shall receive (by reason 
of the situation of the climate, and by reason of the excellent 
soil) oade, oil, wines, hops, salt, and most or all the commod- 
ities that we receive from the best parts of Europe, and we 
shall receive the same better cheap, than now we receive 
them, as we may use the matter. 

7. Receiving the same thence, the navy, the human 
strength of this realm, our merchants and their goods shall 
not be subject to arrest of ancient enemies and doubtful 
friends, as of late years they have been. 

8. If our nation do not make any conquest there, but 
only use traffic and change of commodities, yet by mean 
the country is not very mighty, but divided into petty king- 
doms, they shall not dare to offer us any great annoy, but 
such as we may easily revenge with sufficient chastisement 
to the unarmed people there. 

9. Whatsoever commodities we receive by the Steeleyard 
merchants, or by our own merchants from Eastland, be it 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 105 

flax, hemp, pitch, tar, masts, clap-boards, wainscot, or such 
like ; the like good may we receive from the north and 
north-east part of that country near unto Cape Briton in 
return for our coarse woollen cloths, flannels and rugs, fit 
for those colder regions. 

10. The passage to and fro is through the main ocean 
sea, so as we are not in danger of any enemy's coast. 

11. In the voyage, we are not to cross the burnt zone, 
nor to pass through frozen seas encumbered with ice and 
fogs, but in temperate climate at all times of the year, and it 
requireth not as the East India voyage doth, the taking in 
of water in divers places by reason that it is to be sailed in 
five or six weeks : and by the shortness, the merchant may 
yearly make two returns (a factory being once erected there) 
a matter in trade of great moment. 

12. In this trade by the way in our pass to and fro, we 
have in tempests and other haps, all the ports of Ireland to 
our aid, and no near coast of any enemy. 

13. By this ordinary trade we may annoy the enemies to 
Ireland, and succor the Queen's Majesty's friends there and 
in time we may from Virginia yield them whatsoever com- 
modity they now receive from the Spaniard : and so the 
Spaniards shall want the ordinary victual that heretofore they 
received yearly from thence, and so they shall not continue 
trade, nor fall so aptly in practice against this government as 
now by their trade thither they may. 

14. We shall, as it is thought, enjoy in this voyage, either 
some small islands to settle on, or some one place or other 
on the firm land to fortify for the safety of our ships, our 
men and our goods, the like whereof w r e have not in any 
former place of our traffic, in which respect we may be in 
degree of more safety and more quiet. 

15. The great plenty of buff hides, and of many other 
sundry kinds of hides there now presently to be had, the 
trade of whale and seal fishing, and of divers other fishings 
in the great rivers, great bays, and seas there, shall presently 
defray the charge in good part or in all of the first enterprise 
and so we shall be in better case than our men were in 
Russia where many years were spent, and great sums of 
money consumed, before gain was found. 

16. The great broad rivers of that main that we are to 



106 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

enter into so many leagues navigable or portable into the 
main land, lying so long a tract with so excellent and so 
fertile a soil on both sides, do seem to promise all things 
that the life of man doth require, and whatsoever men may 
wish, that are to plant upon the same or to traffic in the 
same. 

17. And whatsoever notable commodities the soil within 
or without doth yield in so long a tract that is to be carried 
out from thence to England, the same rivers so great and 
deep, do yield no small benefit for the sure, safe, easy and 
cheap carriage of the same to shipboard, be it of a great 
bulk or of great weight. 

18. And in like sort whatsoever commodity of England 
the inland people there shall need, the same rivers do work 
the like effect in benefit for the incarriage of the same, aptly, 
easily and cheaply. 

19. If we find the country populous, and desirous to 
expel us, and infuriously to offend us, that seek but just and 
lawful traffic, then by reason that we are lords of naviga- 
tion, and they not so, we are the better able to defend our- 
selves by reason of those great rivers, and to annoy them in 
many places. 

20. Where there be many petty kings or lords planted on 
the river's sides, and by all likelihood maintain the frontiers 
of their several territories by wars, we may by the aid of 
this river join with this king here, or with that king there, at 
our pleasure, and may so with a few men be revenged of 
any wrong offered by any of them ; or may if we will pro- 
ceed with extremity, conquer, fortify, and plant in soils most 
sweet, most pleasant, most strong, and most fertile, and in 
the end bring them all in subjection and to civility. 

21. The known abundance of fresh fish in the rivers, and 
the known plenty of fish on the sea coast there may assure 
us of sufficient victual in spite of the people, if we will use 
salt and industry. 

22. The known plenty and variety of flesh, of divers 
kinds of beasts at land there, may seem to say to us that 
we may cheaply victual our navies to England for our re- 
turns, which benefit everywhere is not found of merchants. 

23. The practice of the people of the East Indies, when 
the Portugals came thither first, was to cut from the Portu- 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 107 

gals their lading of spice and hereby they thought to over- 
throw their purposed trade. If these people shall practise 
the like, by not suffering us to have any commodity of theirs 
without conquest, (which requireth some time,) yet may we 
maintain our first voyage thither, till our purpose come to 
effect, by the sea fishing on the coasts there, and by drag- 
ging for pearls, which are said to be in those parts ; and by 
return of those commodities, the charges in part shall be 
defrayed ; which is a matter of consideration in enterprises 
of charge. 

24. If this realm shall abound too much with youth, in 
the mines there of gold, (as that of Chisca and Saguenay) 
of silver, copper, iron, &,c. may be an employment to the 
benefit of this realm ; in tilling of the rich soil there for 
grain, and in planting of vines there for wine ; or dressing of 
those vines which grow there naturally in great abundance. 
Olives for oil ; orange trees, lemons, figs, and almonds for 
fruit ; oad, saffron, and madder for dyers ; hops for brewers ; 
hemp, flax ; and in many such other things by employment 
of the soil, our people void of sufficient trades may be hon- 
estly employed, that else may become hurtful at home. 

25. The navigating of the seas in the voyage, and of the 
great rivers there, will breed many mariners for service and 
maintain much navigation. 

26. The number of raw hides there of divers kinds of 
beasts, if we shall possess some island there, or settle on the 
firm, may presently employ many of our idle people in divers 
several dressings of the same, and so we may return them 
to the people that cannot dress them so well ; or into this 
realm where the same are good merchandise ; or to Flan- 
ders, &c. which present game at the first, raiseth great 
encouragement presently to the enterprise. 

27. Since great waste woods be there, of oak, cedar, 
pine, walnuts and sundry other sorts, many of our waste 
people may be employed in making of ships, hoies, busses, 
and boats; and in making of rosin, pitch and tar, the trees 
natural for the same, being certainly known to be near Cape 
Briton and the Bay of Menan, and in many other places 
thereabout. 

28. If mines of white or gray marble, jet or other rich 
stone be found there, our idle people may be employed in 



108 Tracts appended to Brcreton. 

the mines of the same, and in preparing the same to shape 
and so shaped, they may be carried into this realm as good 
ballast for our ships, and after serve for noble buildings. 

29. Sugar-canes may be planted as well as they are now 
in the south of Spain, and besides the employment of our 
idle people, we may receive the commodity cheaper, and 
not enrich infidels or our doubtful friends, of whom now we 
receive that commodity. 

30. The daily great increase of wools in Spain and the 
like in the West Indies, and the great employment of the 
same into cloth in both places, may move us to endeavor, 
for vent of our cloth, new discoveries of peopled regions, 
where hope of sale may arise ; otherwise in short time many 
inconveniences may possibly ensue. 

31. This land that we propose to direct our course to, 
lying in part in the 40 degree of latitude, being in like heat 
as Lisbon in Portugal doth, and in the more southerly part 
as the most southerly coast of Spain doth, may by our dili- 
gence yield unto us besides wines and oils and sugars, 
oranges, lemons, figs, raisins, almonds, pomegranates, rice, 
raw silks such as come from Grenada, and divers commodi- 
ties for dyers, as anile and cochenillio, and sundry other 
colors and materials. Moreover we shall not only receive 
many precious commodities besides from thence, but also 
shall in time find ample vent of the labor of our poor people 
at home, by sale of hats, bonnets, knives, fish hooks, copper 
kettles, beads, looking glasses, bugles and a thousand kinds 
of other wrought wares, that in short time may be brought 
in use among the people of that country, to the great relief 
of the multitude of our poor people, and to the wonderful 
enriching of this realm. And in time, such league and inter- 
course may arise between our stapling seats there, and other 
ports of our Northern America, and of the islands of the 
same, that incredible things, and by few as yet dreamed of 
may speedily follow, tending to the impeachment of our 
mighty enemies and to the common good of this noble 
government. 

The ends of this voyage are these : 1. To plant christian 
religion. 2. To traffic. 3. To conquer. Or to do all 
three. 

To plant Christian religion without conquest, will be 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 109 

hard : traffic easily followeth conquest : conquest is not 
easy : traffic without conquest seemeth possible, and not 
uneasy. What is to be done is the question. 

If the people be content to live naked and to content 
themselves with few things of mere necessity, then traffic is 
not. So then in vain seemeth our voyage, unless this na- 
ture may be altered, as by conquest and other good means 
it may be, but not on a sudden. The like whereof ap- 
peared in the East Indies, upon the Portugals seating 
there. 

If the people in the inland be clothed, and desire to live 
in the abundance of all such things as Europe doth, and 
have at home all the same in plenty, yet we cannot have 
traffic with them, by mean they want not anything that we 
can yield them. 

Admit that they have desire to your commodities, and as 
yet have neither gold, silver, copper, iron, nor sufficient 
quantity of other present commodity to maintain the yearly 
trade : what is then to be done ? 

The soil and climate first is to be considered, and you are 
with argus eyes to see what commodity by industry of man 
you are able to make it to yield, that. England doth want or 
doth desire : as for the purpose, if you can make it to yield 
good wine and good oil, as it is like you may by the climate 
(where wild vines of sundry sorts do naturally grow already 
in great abundance,) then your trade may be maintained. 
But admit the soil were in our disposition (as yet it is not,) 
in what time may this be brought about ? 

For wine this is to be affirmed, that first the soil lying in 
36 or 37 degrees in the temperature of south Spain, in set- 
ting your vine plants this year, you may have wine within 
three years, and it may be that the wild vines growing there 
already, by orderly pruning and dressing at your first arrival, 
may come to profit in shorter time. 

And planting your olive trees this year, you may have oil 
within three years. 

And if the sea-shores be flat, and fit for receipt of salt 
water and for salt making, without any annoy of near freshes, 
then the trade of salt only may maintain a yearly naviga- 
tion, (as our men now trade to the isle of Maio, and the 

VOL. VIII. 14 



110 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

Hollanders to Terra Firma, near by the west end of the isle 
of Marguerita.) 

But how the natural people of the country may be made 
skilful to plant vines, and to know the use, or to set olive 
trees, and to know the making of oil, and withal to use both 
the trades, that is a matter of small consideration ; but to 
conquer a country or province in climate and soil of Italy, 
Spain, or the islands from whence we receive our wines and 
oils, and to man it, to plant it, and to keep it, and to con- 
tinue the making of wines and oils able to serve England, 
were a matter of great importance both in respect of the 
saving at home of our great treasure now yearly going away, 
and in respect of the annoyance thereby growing to our 
enemies. 

The like consideration would be had touching a place for 
the making of salt, of temperature like those of France, not 
too cold as the salts of the northern regions be : nor too 
fiery as those be that be made more southerly than France. 
In regard whereof, many circumstances are to be considered : 
and principally, by what means the people of those parties 
may be drawn by all courtesy into love with our nation : 
that we become not hateful unto them, as the Spaniard is in 
Italy, and in the West Indies and elsewhere, by the manner 
of usage : for a gentle course without cruelty and tyranny 
best answereth the profession of a christian, best planteth 
christian religion ; maketh our seating most void of blood, 
most profitable in trade of merchandise, most firm and stable, 
and least subject to remove by practice of enemies. But 
that we may in seating there, not to be subject wholly to 
the malice of enemies, and may be more able to preserve 
our bodies, ships and goods in more safety, and to be know 7 n 
to be more able to scourge the people there, civil or savage, 
than willing to offer any violence. And for the more quiet 
exercise of our manurance of the soils where we shall seat, 
and of our manual occupations, it is to be wished that some 
ancient captains of mild disposition and great judgment be 
sent thither, with men most skilful in the art of fortification ; 
and that direction be taken that the mouths of great rivers, 
and the islands in the same (as things of great moment) be 
taken, manned and fortified ; and that havens be cut out for 
safety of the navy, that we may be lords of the gates and 



Tracts appended to Brereton. Ill 

entries, to go out and come in at pleasure, and to lie in 
safety, and be able to command and to control all within, 
and to force all foreign navigation to lie out in open road 
subject to all weathers, to be dispersed by tempests and 
flawes, if the force within be not able to give them the en- 
counter abroad. 

The red Muscatel grape, that Bishop Grindal procured 
out of Germany ; the great white Muscatel, the yellow 
grape ; the cuts of these were wont yearly to be set at Ful- 
ham ; and after one year's rooting to be given by the bishop 
and to be sold by his gardener. These presently provided 
and placed in earth, and many of these so rooted, with store 
of cuts unrooted besides, placed in tubs of earth shipped at 
the next voyage, to be planted in Virginia, may begin vine- 
yards, and bring wines out of hand. 

2. Provision great of wild olive trees may be made out 
of this city so then to be carried, to increase great store of 
stocks to graft the best olive on : and Virginia standing in 
the same degree that the Shroffe, the olive place doth in 
Spain, we may win that merchandise, grafting the wild. 

3. Sugar canes, if you cannot procure them from the 
Spanish islands, yet may you by your Barbary merchants 
procure them. 

4. There is an herb in Persia whereof anil is made, and 
it is also in Barbary : to procure that by seed or root were 
of importance for a trade of merchandise for our clothing 
country. 

5. Woad by the seeds you may have ; for you may have 
hundreds of bushels in England, as it is multiplied : and 
having soil and labor in Virginia cheap, and the woad in great 
value, lying in small room, it will be a trade of great gain to 
this clothing realm : and the thing cannot be destroyed by 
savages. The roots of this you may have in plenty and 
number coming in the trade : so this may grow in trade 
within a year ready for the merchant. 

6. Fig trees of many good kinds may be had hence in 
barrel, if now presently they be provided : and they in that 
climate will yield noble fruit and feed your people presently, 
and will be brought, in frails home as merchandise, or in 
barrels as raisins also may be. 

7. Sawed boards of sassafras and cedar, to be turned into 



112 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

small boxes for ladies and gentlemen, would become as 
present trade. 

8. To the infinite natural increase of hogs, to add a de- 
vice how the same may be fed by roots, acorns, &c. without 
spoiling your corn, would be of great effect to feed the mul- 
titude continually employed in labor : and the same cheaply 
bred and salted, and barrelled there and brought home, will 
be well sold for a good merchandise ; and the barrels after, 
will serve for our home herring fishing, and so you sell your 
woods and the labor of your cooper. 

9. Receiving the savage women and their children of 
both sexes by courtesy into your protection, and employing 
the English women and the others in making of linen, you 
shall raise a wonderful trade of benefit, both to carry into 
England and also into the islands, and into the main of the 
West Indies, victual and labor being so cheap there. 

10. The trade of making cables and cordage there will 
be of great importance, in respect of a cheap maintenance 
of the navy that shall pass to and fro ; and in respect of 
such navy as may in those parties be used for the venting 
of the commodities of England to be brought thither, and 
Powldanies, &c. made for sails of the poor savages, yield to 
the navy a great help, and a great gain in the traffic. 

But if seeking revenge on every injury of the savages we 
seek blood and raise war, our vines, our olives, our fig trees, 
our sugar canes, our oranges and lemons, corn, cattle, &c, 
will be destroyed, and trade of merchandise in all things 
overthrown ; and so the English nation there planted and to 
be planted, shall be rooted out with sword and hunger. 

Sorts of men which are to be passed in this Voyage. 

1. Men skilful in all mineral causes. 

2. Men skilful in all kind of drugs. 

3. Fishermen, to consider of the sea fishings there on the 
coasts, to be reduced to trade hereafter : and others for the 
fresh water fishings. 

4. Salt makers, to view the coast, and to make trial how 
rich the sea-w 7 ater there is to advise for the trade. 

5. Husbandmen, to view 7 the soil, to resolve for tillage in 
all sorts. 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 113 

6. Vineyard-men bred, to see how the soil may serve for 
the planting of vines. 

7. Men bred in the Shroffe in South Spain, for discerning 
how o!ive trees may be planted there. 

8. Others for planting of orange trees, fig trees, lemon 
trees and almond trees; forjudging how the soil may serve 
for the same. 

9. Gardeners, to prove the several soils of the islands, and 
of our settling places, to see how the same may serve for all 
herbs and roots for our victualling ; since by rough seas some- 
times we may want fish, and since we may want flesh to vict- 
ual us, by the malice of the natural people there ; and garden- 
ers for planting of our common trees of fruit, as pears, apples, 
plums, peaches, mediers, apricots, quinces, for conserves, &,c. 

10. Lime makers to make lime for buildings. 

11. Masons, carpenters, &q. for buildings there. 

12. Brick-makers and tile-makers. 

13. Men cunning in the art of fortification, that may 
choose out places strong by nature to be fortified, and that 
can plot out and direct workmen. 

14. Choice spade men, to trench cunningly, and to raise 
bulwarks and rampiers of earth for defence and offence. 

15. Spade-makers, that may out of the woods there make 
spades like those of Devonshire, and of other sorts, and 
shovels from time to time of common use. 

16. Smiths, to forge the grooves of the shovels and spades 
and to make black bills and other weapons, and to mend 
many things. 

17. Men that use to break ash trees for pike staves, to 
be employed in the woods there. 

18. Others, that finish up the same so rough hewed, such 
as in London are to be had. 

19. Coopers, to make casks of all sorts. 

20. Forgers of pikes heads and of arrow heads with 
forgers with Spanish groove, and with all manner of tools to 
be carried with them. 

21. Fletchers, to renew arrows, since archery prevaileth 
much against unarmed people ; and gunpowder may soon 
perish, by setting on fire. 

22. Bowyers also, to make bows there for need. 

23. Makers of oars since for service upon those rivers it 



114 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

is to great purpose, for the boats and barges they are to 
pass and enter with. 

24. Shipwrights to make barges and boats and bigger 
vessels, if need be, to run along the coast, and to pierce the 
great bays and inlets. 

25. Turners to turn targets of elm and tough wood, for 
use against the darts and arrows of savages. 

26. Such also as have knowledge to make targets of horn. 

27. Such also as can make armor of hides upon moulds, 
such as were wont to be made in this realm about an hun- 
dred years since, and were called Scottish jacks : such 
armor is light and defensive enough against the force of 
savages. 

28. Tanners, to tan hides of buffs, oxen, &c. in the isles 
where you shall plant. 

29. White tanners of all other skins there. 

30. Men skilful in burning of soap ashes, and in making 
of pitch and tar, and rosin, to be fetched out of Prussia and 
Poland, which are thence to be had for small wages being 
there in manner of slaves. 

The several sorts of trees, as pines, firs, spruces, birch 
and others, are to be bored with great augers a foot or half 
a yard above the ground, as they use in Vesely towards 
Languedock and near Bayona in Gascoigne ; and so you 
shall easily and quickly see what gums, rosin, turpentine 
tar or liquor is in them, which will quickly distil out clearly 
without any filthy mixture, and will shew what commodity 
may be made of them ; their goodness and greatness for 
masts is also to be considered. 

31. A skilful painter is also to be carried with you, which 
the Spaniards used commonly in all their discoveries to bring 
the descriptions of all beasts, birds, fishes, trees, towns, &c. 



A brief Note of the Com, Fowls , Fruits and Beasts of the 
Inland of Florida on the backside of Virginia, taken out 
of the forty fourth Chapter of the Discovery of the said 
Country, begun by Fernando De Soto, Governor of Cuba, 
in the year of Lord, 1539. 

The bread which they eat in all the land of Florida is of 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 115 

maize, which is like to coarse millet. And in all the Islands 
and West Indies from the Antiles forward there is this 
maize. 

Likewise in Florida there be many walnuts, plums, mul- 
berries, and grapes. They sow their maize, and gather it, 
every man his own crop. The fruits are common to all 
men, because they grow abundantly in the fields without 
planting or dressing. In the mountains there grow chest- 
nuts : they are somewhat smaller than the chestnuts of Spain, 
which are called collarinnas. From Rio Grande toward the 
west, the walnuts are differing from the other, for they are 
softer and round like bullets, and from Rio Grande toward 
Puerto del Spirito Santo eastward, for the most part they 
are harder, and the trees and nuts are like in fashion unto 
those of Spain. There is in all the country a fruit which 
groweth upon an herb or plant like to the herb called dogs- 
tongue, which the Indians do sow. The fruit is like unto 
the Peres rial ; it is of a very good relish, and of a pleasant 
taste. Another herb groweth in the fields, which beareth a 
fruit near the ground like a strawberry, very pleasant in 
taste. The plums are of two sorts, red and gray, in fashion 
and bigness of walnuts, and have three or four stones in 
them. These are better than any in Spain, and they make 
better prunes of them. The want of dressing is perceived 
only in the grapes : which although they be great yet they 
have a great kernel. All the rest of the fruits are very 
perfect, and less hurtful than those of Spain. There are in 
Florida many bears, lions, stags, roebucks, wild cats, and 
conies. 

There be many wild hens as big as peacocks, small 
partridges like those of Africa, cranes, ducks, rolas, black 
birds, and sparrows. There be certain black birds bigger 
than sparrows and lesser than stares. 

There be low hawks, falcons, goshawks, and all fowls of 
prey that are in Spain. 

The Indians are well proportioned. Those of the plain 
countries are taller of stature and better proportioned than 
those of the mountains. Those of the inland are better 
furnished with corn and wealth of the country, than those 
of the sea coast. The country on the sea coast toward the 
Gulf of Mexico is barren and poor, and the people more 



116 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

warlike. The coast beareth from Puerto del Spirit Santo 
unto Apalache, and from Apalache to Rio de Palmas almost 
from east to west ; from Rio de Palmas unto Nova Hispan- 
iola it runneth from north to south. It is a gentle coast, but 
it hath many shoals and banks or shelves of sand. 



A Note of such Commodities as are found in Florida next 
adjoining unto the South Part of Virginia, taken oat of the 
Description of the said Country written by Monsieur Rene 
Laudonniere, who inhabited there two Summers and one 
Winter. 

The country of Florida is flat, and divided with divers 
rivers, and therefore moist, and is sandy towards the sea 
shore. 

There groweth in those parts great quantity of pine trees, 
which have no kernels in the apples that they bear. 

Their woods are full of oaks, walnut trees, black cherry 
trees, mulberry trees, lentiskes which yield mastich, and 
chestnut trees, which are more wild than those of France. 

There is great store of cedars, cypresses, bays, palm 
trees, grapes : There is there a kind of medlars, the fruit 
whereof is better than that of France and bigger. There 
are also plum trees, which bear very fair fruit, but such as is 
not very good. 

There are raspberries, and a little berry which we call 
among us blues, which are very good to eat. 

There grow in that country a kind of roots, which they 
call in their language hazes whereof in necessity they make 
bread. 

There is also the tree called esquine (which I take to be 
the sassafras) which is very good against the pocks and 
other contagious diseases. 

The beasts best known in this country are stags, roes, 
deer, goats, leopards, ounces, lucerns, divers sorts of wolves, 
wild dogs, hares, conies, and a certain kind of beast that 
differeth little from the lion of Africa. 

The fowls are turkey-cocks, partridges, parrots, pigeons, 
ring-doves, turtles, blackbirds, crows, tercels, falcons, leon- 
ards, herons, cranes, storks, wild geese, mallards, cormorants, 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 117 

herneshaws, white, red, black, and gray, and an infinite 
sort of all wild fowl. There is such abundance of crocodiles 
that oftentimes in swimming, men are assailed by them ; of 
serpents there are many sorts. 

There is found among the savages good quantity of gold 
and silver, which is gotten out of the ships that are lost upon 
the coast : Nevertheless they say, that in the mountains of 
Apalatcy, there are mines of copper, which I think to be 
gold. 

There is also in this country, great store of grains and 
herbs, whereof might be made excellent good dyes and 
paintings of all kind of colors. 

They sow their maize or corn twice a year, to wit, in 
March and in June : and all in one and the same soil. The 
said maize from the time that it is sowed, unto the time that 
it is gathered, is but three months in the ground. They 
have also fair pumpkins and very good beans. They have 
certain kinds of oil, wherewith they use to anoint themselves. 



A brief Extract of the merchantable Commodities found in the 
South part of Virginia, Anno 1585 and 1586, gathered 
out of the learned Work of Master Thomas Herriot, which 
was there remaining the space of eleven months. 

Silk of grass, or grass silk, the like whereof groweth in 
Persia, whereof I have seen good grograine made. 

Worm silk. 

Flax and hemp. 

Alum. 

Wapeih, a kind of earth so called by the natural inhabi- 
tants, very like to terra sigillata, and by some of our physi- 
cians found more effectual. 

Pitch, tar, rosin, and turpentine ; there are those kinds of 
trees that yield them abundantly and in great store. 

Sassafras, called by the inhabitants wynauk : of whose 
sovereign and manifold virtues, read Monardes, the physician 
of Sicily, in his books entitled in English, The joyful news 
from the West Indies, 

Cedar. 

Wines of two sorts. 

VOL. VIII. 15 



118 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

Oil : there are two sorts of walnuts, both holding oil. 
Furthermore, there are three several kinds of berries, in the 
form of oak acorns, which also by the experience and use of 
the inhabitants, we find to yield very good and sweet oil. 
There are also bears, which are commonly very fat, and in 
some places there are many, their fatness, because it is so 
liquid, may well be termed oil, and hath many special uses. 

Furs. 

Otters, martins, and lucerns. 

Deer skins. 

Civet cats. 

Iron. 

Copper. The aforesaid copper, we also found by trial to 
hold silver. 

Pearl. One of our company, a man of skill in such mat- 
ters, had gathered together from the savages, above five 
thousand. 

Sweet gums, of divers kinds, and many other apothecary 
drugs. 

Dyes, of divers kinds. 

There is sumach, well known and used in England for 
black : the seed of an herb called wasebur, little small roots 
called chappacor, and the bark of a tree called by the inhab- 
itants, tangomockonomindge, which dyes are for divers sorts 
of red. 

Commodities in Virginia known to yield victuals, 

Pagatour, or mays, which is their principal corn. 

Okindgier, called by us beans. 

Wickonzour, called by us pease. 

Macocquer, called by us pumpkins, melons and gourds. 

An herb which in Dutch is called melden, being a kind 
of orage, &c. 

An herb in form of a marigold, six feet in height, taken to 
be planta solis. 

Oppowoc, or tobacco, of great estimation among the 
savages. 

Roots. 
Openauck, a kind of roots of round form, as big as wal- 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 119 

nuts, some far greater. Monardes calleth them beads, or 
pater nostri of Sancta Helena, and Master Brereton ground- 
nuts. 

Okeepenauk, are roots of round shape found in dry 
grounds, the inhabitants use to boil and eat many of them. 

Tsinaw, a kind of root much like unto that which in 
England is called the China root, brought from the East 
Indies. 

Coscushaw, a root taken to be that which the Spaniards 
in the West Indies do call cassavy. 

Habascon, a root of hot taste, almost of the form and big- 
ness of a parsnip. 

Leekes, differing little from ours in England. 

Fruits. 

Chestnuts there are in divers places great store, used di- 
vers ways for food. 

Walnuts, there are two kinds, and of them infinite store 
in many places, where are very great woods for many miles 
together; the third part of the trees are walnut trees; they 
use them for meat, and make a milk of them of very pleasant 
taste and wholesome. 

Medlers, a kind of very good fruit ; they are as red as 
cherries, and very luscious sweet. 

Mutaquesunnauk, a kind of pleasant fruit almost of the 
shape and bigness of English pears, but they are of a perfect 
red color, as well within as without ; they grow on a plant 
whose leaves are very thick and full of prickles, as sharp as 
needles : some which have been in Nova Hispania, where 
they have seen that kind of red dye of exceeding great price, 
which is called cochineal, to grow, do describe this plant 
right like unto this of mutaquesunnauk, howbeit the cochineal 
is not the fruit, but a grain found on the leaves of the plant, 
and stricken off upon sheets, and dried in the sun. 

Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the 
merchantable commodities. 

Strawberries there are, as good and as great as in any 
English garden. 

Mulberries, apple-crabs, hurts or whortleberries, such as 
we have in England. 



120 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

Sacquenummener, a kind of berries almost like unto ca- 
pers, but somewhat greater, which grow together in clusters 
upon a plant or herb that is found in shallow waters, being 
boiled eight or nine hours according to their kind, are very 
good meat and wholesome, otherwise if they be eaten they 
will make a man for the time frantic, or extremely sick. 

A reed w r hich beareth a seed almost like unto our rye or 
wheat, and being boiled is good meat. 

In our travels in some places, we found wild pease like 
unto ours in England, but that they were less, which are also 
good meat. 

A kind of berry like unto an acorn, of five sorts, growing 
on several kinds of trees : the one sort is called sagatamener, 
the second, osamener, the third, pummuckoner ; the inhabit- 
ants use to dry them upon hurdles like malt in England ; 
when they use them, they first water them till they be soft, 
and then being sod they make loaves of bread of them ; of 
these three kinds also the inhabitants do use to make sweet 
oil. 

The fourth sort is called sopummener, which being boiled 
or parched be like unto roasted chestnuts ; of this sort they 
make bread also. 

The fifth sort is called mangummenauk, the very acorn of 
their kind of oak, being dried as the rest, and after watered, 
they boil them, and their servants and sometimes the chiefs 
themselves eat them with their fish and flesh. 



Beasts. 

Deer, up into the country very great, and in some places, 
great store. 

Conies, of a grey color, like unto hares ; they make man- 
tles of the fur or flue of their skins. 

Saquennekot and maquowoc, two kinds of small beasts 
greater than conies, which are very good meat. 

Squirrels, which are of a grey color, we have taken and 
eaten. 

Bears, which are of black color. They are good meat, 
and being hunted they climb up into trees, and are killed by 
the savages with their arrows, and sometimes by us with our 
carbines. 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 121 

The lion is sometimes killed by the savages and eaten. 

Wolves, or wolfish dogs. 

I have the names of eight-and-twenty sorts of beasts dis- 
persed in the main, of which there are only twelve kinds by 
us as yet discovered. 

Fowls. 

Turkey cocks and turkey hens, stock doves and part- 
ridges, cranes, herns, and in winter great store of swans and 
geese. 

There are also parrots, falcons and marlin hawks. 

Of all sorts of fowls, I have the names in the country lan- 



guage of fourscore and six. 



Fish. 



Sturgeons, herrings, porpoises, trouts, rayes, alewives, 
mullets, plaice, and very many other sorts of very excellent 
fish. 

Sea crabs, oysters, great, small, round, long muscles, scol- 
lops, periwincles, and crevises. 

Seekanauk, a kind of crusty shell-fish, which is good meat, 
about a foot in breadth, having a crusty tail, many legs like 
a crab, and her eyes in her back. They are found in shal- 
lows of water, and sometimes on the shore. 

Tortoises, both of land and sea kind ; they are very good 
meat, and their eggs also. 



Certain brief Testimonies touching sundry rich Mines of 
Gold, Silver, a7id Copper, in part found, and in part con- 
stantly heard of in North Florida and the inland of the 
main of Virginia, and other countries thereunto on the 
North part near adjoining, gathered out of the Works, all 
(one excepted) extant in print, of such as were personal 
travellers in those countries. 

1. In the second relation of Jaques Carder, the twelfth 
chapter, he reporteth that he understood by Donnacona, the 
king of the country, and others, that to the south-west of 
Canada there are people clad with cloth, as the French were, 



122 Tracts appended to Brereton. 

very honest, and many inhabited towns, and that they have 
great store of gold and red copper, &c. 

2. In the discovery of the island of Florida, far to the 
north, begun by Fernando de Soto, governor of Cuba, in the 
year 1539, (and to be seen in print in the hands of Master 
Richard Hackluyt.) The Indians in many places far distant 
the one from the other, gave them often and certain adver- 
tisement, that beyond the mountains northward there were 
mines of gold at a place called by them Chisca, and some 
shewed the manner which the Indians used in refining the 
same. This place in mine opinion cannot be far from the 
great river that falleth into the south-west part of the bay of 
Chesapeake. 

3. The Indians informed Monsieur Rene Laudonniere in 
Florida, that there were mines of red metal, which they call 
in their language sieroa pira, in the mountains of Apalache, 
which upon trial made thereof by the French, was found 
perfect gold, as appeareth pagina 352. In the third volume 
of the English voyages, and in the same relation there is 
very often mention of silver, and excellent perfect and fair 
pearls found by the French in those parts. 

4. In the late discovery of New Mexico made by Antonio 
de Espeio, on the back side of Virginia, extant in Spanish 
and English in the third volume of the English voyages, 
paginas 303, &,c, there is mention of rich silver mines (and 
sometimes of gold in abundance) eleven or twelve times 
found as they travelled northward, by men very skilful in 
mineral matters, which w T ent in the voyage for that purpose. 
The large description and chart of w T hich voyage containing 
great numbers of towns, and divers great rivers discovered 
in that action made in Mexico by Francisco Xamuscado, 
1585, being intercepted afterward by the English at sea, we 
have in London to be shewed to such as shall have occasion 
to make use of the same. 

5. The constant report of many of the savages to the 
worshipful Master Ralph Lane, then governor of the English 
colony in Virginia, of the rich mine of wassaclor or gold at a 
place by them named Chaunis Temoatam, twenty days' 
journey overland from the Mangoaks, set down by himself 
at large in the first part of his relation of the said country of 
Virginia, extant in the third volume of the English voyages, 



Tracts appended to Brereton. 123 

pagina 258, is much to be regarded and considered by those 
that intend to prosecute this new enterprise of planting near 
unto those parts. 

6. I could give large information of the large copper 
mine in the east side of the Bay of Menan, within thirty or 
forty leagues to the southwest of Cape Breton, whereof I 
myself have seen above an hundred pieces of the copper, 
and have shewed some part thereof to divers knights of 
quality, as also of salt as good as that of Burnage in France, 
found near that Bay, and could make proof of the testimony 
of the savages touching a silver mine in another Bay, within 
two or three leagues to the west of the aforesaid Bay of 
Menan. But I reserve a further relation hereof to a more 
convenient time and place. 

7. If it please any man to read the summary of Gonsalvo de 
Oniedo, extant in part of the English decades of the voyage 
of Sebastian Cabot, along this coast of Virginia and Norum- 
bega ; and the short relation of John de Verarsana, which 
ranged the said coast long after him in the year 1524, which 
is also to be seen in the third volume of the English voyages, 
pagina 298, he shall find often mention of rich mineral and 
store of excellent copper, which so long ago they saw among 
the savages, they being the first known Christians that ever 
saw those coasts, so that it were more than wilful madness 
to doubt of rich mines to be in the aforesaid countries. 



THE END 



TRUE RELATION 



MOST PROSPEROUS VOYAGE MADE THIS PRESENT YEAR, 1605, 
BY CAPTAIN GEORGE WAYMOUTH, 



IN THE DISCOVRRY OF 



THE LAND OF VIRGINIA, 



WHERE HE DISCOVERED, SIXTY MILES UP, A MOST EXCELLENT RIVER ; 



TOGETHER WITH A MOST FERTILE LAND. 



WRITTEN BY JAMES ROSIER, 



A GENTLEMAN EMPLOYED IN THE VOYAGE. 



LONDONI : 
IMPENSIS GEOR. BISHOP 
1605. 

vol. vni. 16 



[In the fourth volume of Purchases Pilgrims is a Chapter containing 
extracts from this work. The whole is here reprinted from a transcript 
procured in England by Professor Sparks, and communicated by F. C. 
Gray.] 



TO THE READER. 



Being employed in this voyage by the right honorable 
Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, to take due notice, and 
make true report of the discovery therein performed : I be- 
came very diligent to observe (as much as I could) whatso- 
ever was material or of consequence in the business, which 
I collected into this brief summary, intending upon our return 
to publish the same. But he soon changed the course of his 
intendments ; and long before our arrival in England had so 
far engaged himself with the Archduke, that he was con- 
strained to relinquish this action. But the commodities and 
profits of the country, together with the fitness of plantation, 
being by some honorable gentlemen of good worth and 
quality, and merchants of good sufficiency and judgment duly 
considered, have at their own charge, (intending both their 
private and the common benefit of their country) undertaken 
the transporting of a Colony for the plantation thereof; being 
much encouraged thereunto by the gracious favor of the 
King's Majesty himself, and divers Lords of his Highness' 
most Honorable Privy Council. After these purposed de- 
signs were concluded, 1 was animated to publish this brief 
relation, and not before ; because some foreign nation (being 
fully assured of the fruitfulness of the country) have hoped 
hereby to gain some knowledge of the place, seeing they 
could not allure our Captain or any special man of our 
company, to combine with them for their direction, nor ob- 
tain their purpose, in conveying away our savages, which 
was busily in practice. And this is the cause that 1 have 
neither written of the latitude or variation most exactly ob- 
served by our Captain with sundry instruments, which to- 
gether with his perfect geographical map of the country, he 
intendeth hereafter to set forth. I have likewise purposedly 



128 To the Reader. 

omitted here to add a collection of many words in their lan- 
guage, to the number of four or five hundred, as also the 
names of divers of their Governors, as well their friends as 
their enemies ; being reserved to be made known for the 
benefit of those that shall go in the next voyage, But our 
particular proceedings in the whole discovery, the commo- 
dious situation of the river, the fertility of the land, with the 
profits there to be had, and here reported, I refer to be 
verified by the whole company, as being eye-witnesses of 
my words, and most of them near inhabitants upon the 
Thames. So with my prayers to God for the conversion of 
so ingenious and well-disposed people, and for the pros- 
perous successive events of the noble intenders the prosecu- 
tion thereof, I rest 

Your friend, J. R. 



A TRUE RELATION OF CAPTAIN GEORGE WAYMOUTH, HIS 
VOYAGE MADE THIS PRESENT YEAR 1605, IN THE DIS- 
COVERY OF THE NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 



Upon Tuesday, the 5th day of March, about ten o'clock 
before noon, we set sail from Ratcliffe, and came to an anchor 
that tide about two o'clock before Gravesend. 

From thence the 10th of March, being Sunday, at night, 
we anchored in the Downs, and there rode till the next day 
about three o'clock afternoon, when with a scant wind we 
set sail ; and by reason the wind continued southwardly, we 
were beaten up and down : but on Saturday, the sixteenth 
day, about four o'clock afternoon, w T e put into Dartmouth 
Haven, where the continuance of the wind at south and 
south-west, constrained us to ride till the last of this month. 
There we shipped some of our men, and supplied necessaries 
for our ship and voyage. 

Upon Easter day, being the last of March, the wind 
coming at north-north-east, about five o'clock afternoon we 
weighed anchor, and put to sea. In the name of God, being 
well victualled and furnished with munition and all necessa- 
ries : our whole company being but tw 7 enty-nine persons ; 
of whom I may boldly say, few voyages have been manned 
forth with better seamen generally in respect of our small 
number. 

Monday, the next day, being the first of April, by six 
o'clock in the morning, we were six leagues south-south-east 
from the Lizard. 

At two in the afternoon this day, the weather being very 
fair, our captain for his own experience and others with him 
sounded, and had six-and-fifty fathoms and a half. The 
sounding was some small black perrie sand, some reddish 
sand, a match or two, with small shells called Saint James's 
shells. 

The fourteenth of April, being Sunday, between nine and 
ten of the clock in the morning, our captain descried the 
island Cuerno : which bare south-west-and-by-west, about 



130 WayrnoutNs Voyage. 

seven leagues from us : by eleven of the clock we descried 
Flores to the southward of Cuerno, as it lieth : by four 
o'clock in the afternoon, we brought Cuerno due south from 
us within two leagues of the shore, but we touched not be- 
cause the wind was fair, and we thought ourselves sufficiently 
watered and wooded. 

Here our captain observed the sun, and found himself in 
the latitude forty degrees and seven minutes : so he judged 
the north part of Cuerno to be in forty degrees. 

After we had kept our course about a hundred leagues 
from the islands, by continual southerly winds we were 
forced and driven from the southward, whither we first in- 
tended. And when our captain by long beating saw it was 
but in vain to strive with winds, not knowing God's purposes 
herein to our further blessing, (which after by his especial 
direction we found,) he thought best to stand as nigh as he 
could by the wind, to recover what land we might first 
discover. 

Monday, the 6th of May, being in the latitude of thirty- 
nine and a half, about ten o'clock afore noon, we came to 
a rippling, which we discerned ahead our ship, which is a 
breach of water caused either by a fall, or by some meeting 
of currents, which we judged this to be ; for the weather 
being very fair, and a small gale of wind, we sounded and 
found no ground in a hundred fathoms. 

Monday, the 13th of May, about eleven o'clock afore 
noon, our captain, judging we were not far from land, 
sounded, and had a soft oaze in a hundred and sixty 
fathoms. At four o'clock afternoon, we sounded again, and 
had the same oaze in a hundred fathoms. 

From ten o'clock that night till three o'clock in the morn- 
ing, our captain took in all sails and lay at hull, being de- 
sirous to fall with the land in the day time, because it was 
an unknown coast, which it pleased God in his mercy to 
grant us, otherwise we had run our ship upon the hidden 
rocks and perished all. For when we set sail we sounded 
in one hundred fathoms : and by eight o'clock, having not 
made above five or six leagues, our captain, upon a sudden 
change of water, (supposing verily he saw the sand) presently 
sounded, and had but five fathoms. Much marvelling be- 
cause we saw no land, he sent one to the top, who thence 



WaymoutWs Voyage. 131 

descried a whitish sandy cliff, which bare west-north-west, 
about six leagues off from us : but coming nearer within 
three or four leagues, we saw many breaches still nearer the 
land ; at last we espied a great breach ahead us all along the 
shore, into which, before we should enter, our captain 
thought best to hoist out his ship's boat and sound it, which 
if he had not done, we had been in great danger ; for he 
bare up the ship, as near as he durst after the boat : until 
Thomas Cam, his mate, being in the boat, called to him to 
tack about and stand off, for in this breach he had very 
shoal water, two fathoms and less upon rocks, and sometime 
they supposed they saw the rock within three or four feet, 
whereon the sea made a very strong breach : which we 
might discern (from the top) to run along as we sailed by it 
six or seven leagues to the southward. This was in the lat- 
itude of forty-one degrees twenty minutes : wherefore we 
were constrained to put back again from the land: and 
sounding, (the weather being very fair and a small wind) we 
found ourselves embayed with continual shoals and rocks in 
a most uncertain ground, from five or six fathoms, at the 
next cast of the lead we should have fifteen and eighteen 
fathoms ; over many which we passed, and God so blessed 
us, that we had wind and weather as fair as poor men in 
this distress could wish : whereby we both perfectly dis- 
cerned every breach, and with the wind were able to turn, 
where we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted 
from the land, which we had not so much before desired, 
and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joyfully praised 
God, that it had pleased Him to deliver us from so imminent 
danger. 

Here we found great store of excellent codfish, and saw 
many whales, as we had done two or three days before. 

We stood off all that night, and the next day being 
Wednesday, but the wind still continuing between the points 
of south-south-west and west-south-west: so as w r e could 
not make any way to the southward, in regard of our great 
want of water and wood (which was now spent,) we much 
desired land, and therefore sought for it, where the wind 
would best suffer us to refresh ourselves. 

Thursday, the 16th of May, we stood in directly with the 
land, and much marvelled we descried it not, wherein we 
found our sea charts very false, putting land where none is. 



132 WaymoutNs Voyage. 

Friday, the 17th of May, about six o'clock at night, we 
descried the land, which bare from us north-north-east : but 
because it blew a great gale of wind, the sea very high, and 
near night, not fit to come upon an unknown coast, we stood 
off till two o'clock in the morning, being Saturday : then 
standing in with it again, we descried it by eight o'clock in 
the morning, bearing north-east from us. It appeared a mean 
high land, as we after found it, being an island of some six 
miles in compass, but 1 hope the most fortunate ever yet 
discovered. About twelve o'clock that day, we came to 
an anchor on the north side of this island, about a league 
from the shore. About two o'clock our captain with twelve 
men rowed in his ship boat to the shore, where we made no 
long stay, but laded our boat with dry wood of old trees 
upon the shore side, and returned to our ship where we rode 
that night. 

This island is woody grown with fir, birch, oak and beech, 
as far as w r e saw 7 along the shore ; and so likely to be 
within. On the verge grow gooseberries, strawberries, wild 
pease, and wild rose bushes. The water issued forth down 
the rocky cliffs in many places : and much fowl of divers 
kinds breed upon the shore and rocks. 

While we were at shore, our men aboard, with a few 
hooks got "bove thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave 
us a taste of the great plenty of fish, which we found after- 
ward wheresoever we went upon the coast. From hence 
we mi^ht discern the main land from the west-south-west 
to the east-north-east, and a great way (as it then seemed, 
and we after found it,) up into the main we might discern 
very high mountains, though the main seemed but low land ; 
which gave us a hope it would please God to direct us to 
the discovery of some good ; although w T e were driven by 
winds far from that place, whither (both by our direction 
and desire) we ever intended to shape the course of our 
voyage. 

The next day, being Whitsunday ; because we rode too 
much open to the sea and winds, w T e weighed anchor about 
twelve o'clock, and came along to the other islands more 
adjoining to the main, and in the road directly with the moun- 
tains, about three leagues from the first island where we had 
anchored. 



WaymouiWs Voyage. 133 

When we came near unto (hem (sounding all along in a 
good depth) our captain manned his ship boat, and sent her 
before with Thomas Cam, one of his mates, whom he knew 
to be of good experience, to sound and search between the 
islands for a place safe for our ship to ride in ; in the mean- 
while we kept aloof at sea, having given them in the boat a 
token to weffe in the ship, if he found a convenient harbor ; 
which it pleased God to send us, far beyond our expecta- 
tion, in a most safe berth defended from all winds, in an ex- 
cellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, 
seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms, upon a clay ooze, very 
tough. 

We all with great joy praised God for his unspeakable 
goodness, who had from so apparent danger delivered us, 
and directed us upon this day into so secure an harbor ; in 
remembrance whereof we named it Pentecost Harbor ; we 
arrived there that day out of our last harbor in England, from 
whence we set sail upon Easter day. 

About four o'clock, after we were anchored and well 
moored, our captain with half a dozen of our company went 
on shore to seek fresh watering, and a convenient place to 
set together a pinnace, which we brought in pieces, out of 
England : both which we found very fitting. 

Upon this island, as also upon the former, we found (at 
our first coming to shore,) where fire had been made : 
and about the place were very great egg shells bigger than 
goose eggs, fish bones, and as we judged, the bones of 
some beast. 

Here we espied cranes stalking on the shore of a little 
island adjoining, where we after saw they used to breed. 

Whitsunmonday, the 20th day of May, very early in the 
morning, our captain caused the pieces of the pinnace to be 
carried ashore, where while some were busied about her, 
others digged wells to receive the fresh water, which we 
found issuing down out of the land in many places. Here I 
cannot omit (for foolish fear of imputation of flattery,) the 
painful industry of our captain, who as at sea he is always 
most careful and vigilant, so at land he refuseth no pains ; 
but his labor was ever as much or rather more than any 
man's : which not only encourageth others with better con- 
tent, but also effecteth much with great expedition. 

VOL. VIII. 17 



134 WaymoutKs Voyage. 

In digging we found excellent clay for brick or tile. The 
next day we finished a well of good and wholesome clear 
water in a great empty cask, which we left there. We cut 
yards, waste trees, and many necessaries for our ship, while 
our carpenter and cooper labored to fit and furnish forth the 
shallop. 

This day our boat went out about a mile from our ship, 
and in small time with two or three hooks was fished suffi- 
ciently for. our whole company three days, with great cod, 
haddock, and thornback. 

And towards night we drew with a small net of twenty 
fathoms very nigh the shore : we got about thirty very good 
and great lobsters, many rockfish, some plaice and other 
small fishes, and fishes called lumps, very pleasant to the 
taste ; and we generally observed, that all the fish, of what 
kind soever we took, were well fed, fat, and sweet in taste. 

Wednesday, the 22d of May, we felled and cut wood for 
our ship's use, cleansed and scoured our wells and digged a 
plot of ground, wherein, amongst some garden seeds, we 
sowed pease and barley, which in sixteen days grew eight 
inches above ground ; and so continued growing every day 
half an inch, although this was but the crust of the ground, 
and much inferior to the mould we after found in the main. 

Friday, the 24th of May, after we had made an end of 
cutting w T ood, and carrying water aboard our ship, with 
fourteen shot and pikes we marched about and through part 
of two islands ; the bigger of which we judged to be four or 
five miles in compass, and a mile broad. 

The profits and fruits which are naturally on these islands 
are these : 

All along the shore, and some space within, where the 
wood hindereth not, grow plentifully, raspberries, goose- 
berries, strawberries, roses, currants, wild vines, angelica. 

W T ithin the islands grow wood of sundry sorts, some very 
great, and all tall, as birch, beech, ash, maple, spruce, cherry 
tree, yew, oak, very great and good, fir tree, out of which 
issueth turpentine in so marvellous plenty, and so sweet, as 
our chirurgeon and others affirmed they never saw so good 
in England. We pulled off much gum, congealed on the 
outside of the bark, which smelled like frankincense. This 
would be a great benefit for making tar and pitch. 



Waymouttis Voyage. 135 

We staid the longer in this place, not only because of our 
good harbor (which is an excellent comfort,) but because 
every day we did more and more discover the pleasant 
fruitfulness ; insomuch as many of our company wished 
themselves settled here, not expecting any further hopes, or 
better discovery to be made. 

Here our men found abundance of great muscles among 
the rocks ; and in some of them many small pearls : and in 
one muscle (which we drew up in our net) was found four- 
teen pearls, whereof one of pretty bigness and orient ; in 
another above fifty small pearls : and if we had had a drag, 
no doubt we had found some of great value, seeing these did 
certainly shew, that here they were bred ; the shells all glit- 
tering with mother of pearl. 

Wednesday, the 29th day, our shallop being now finish- 
ed, and our captain and men furnished to depart with her 
from the ship, we set up a cross on the shore-side upon the 
rocks. 

Thursday, the 30th of May, about ten o'clock before 
noon, our captain with thirteen men more in the name of 
God, and with all our prayers for their prosperous discovery, 
and safe return, departed in the shallop : leaving the ship in 
a good harbor ; which before I mentioned, well moored, and 
manned with fourteen men. 

This day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, we in the 
ship espied three canoes coming towards us, which went to 
the island adjoining, where they went ashore, and very 
quickly had made a fire, about which they stood beholding 
our ship : to whom we made signs with our hands and hats, 
weffing unto them to come unto us, because we had not 
seen any of the people yet. They sent one canoe with 
three men, one of which, when they came near unto us, 
spake in his language very loud and very boldly : seeming 
as though he would know why we were there, and by 
pointing with his oar towards the sea, we conjectured he 
meant we should be gone. But when we shewed them 
knives and their use, by cutting of sticks ; and other trifles, as 
combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as de- 
sirous to entertain our friendship. To these we gave such 
things as we perceived they liked, when we shewed them 
the use : bracelets, rings, peacock-feathers, which they stuck 



136 Waymouttts Voyage. 

in their hair, and tobacco pipes. After their departure to 
their company on the shore, presently came four others in 
another canoe : to whom we gave as to the former, using 
them with as much kindness as we could. 

The shape of their body is very proportionable, they are 
well countenanced, not very tall nor big, but in stature like 
to us : they paint their bodies with black, their faces, some 
with red, some with black, and some with blue. 

Their clothing is beaver skins, or deer skins, cast over 
them like a mantle, and hanging down to their knees, made 
fast together upon the shoulder with leather : some of them 
had sleeves, most had none : some had buskins of such 
leather sewed : they have besides a piece of beaver skin be- 
tween their legs, made fast about their waist, to cover their 
privities. 

They suffer no hair to grow on their faces, but on their 
head \evy long and very black, which those that have 
wives, bind up behind with a leather string, in a long round 
knot. 

They seemed all very civil and merry : shewing tokens of 
much thankfulness, for those things we gave them. We 
found them then (as after) a people of exceeding good in- 
vention, quick understanding and ready capacity. 

Their canoes are made without any iron, of the bark of a 
birch tree, strengthened within with ribs and hoops of wood, 
in so good fashion, with such excellent ingenious art, as they 
are able to bear seven or eight persons, far exceeding any in 
the Indies. 

One of their canoes came not to us, wherein we imagined 
their women were : of whom they are (as all savages) very 
jealous. 

When T signed unto them they should go sleep, because 
it was night, they understood presently, and pointed that at 
the shore, right against our ship, they would stay all night : 
as they did. 

The next morning very early, came one canoe aboard us 
again with three savages, whom we easily then enticed into 
our ship, and under the deck ; where we gave them pork, 
fish, bread and pease, all which they did eat : and this I 
noted, they would eat nothing raw, either fish or flesh. 
They marvelled much and much looked upon the making of 



Waymouth's Voyage. 137 

our can and kettle, so they did at a head -piece and at our 
guns, of which they are most fearful, and would fall flat 
down at the report of them. At their departure, I signed 
unto them, that if they would bring me such skins as they 
wear, I would give them knives, and such things as I saw 
they most liked, which the chief of them promised to do, 
by that time the sun should be beyond the midst of the fir- 
mament ; this I did to bring them to an understanding of 
exchange, and that they might conceive the intent of our 
coming to them to be for no other end. 

About ten o'clock this day we descried our shallop re- 
turning toward us, which, so soon as we espied, we certainly 
conjectured our captain had found some unexpected harbor, 
further up towards the main to bring the ship into, or some 
river; knowing his determination and resolution, not so sud- 
denly else to make return : which when they came nearer 
they expressed by shooting volleys of shot ; and when they 
were come within musket shot, they gave us a volley and 
hailed us, then we in the ship gave them a great piece and 
hailed them. 

Thus we welcomed them, who gladded us exceedingly 
with their joyful relation of their happy discovery, which shall 
appear in the sequel. And we likewise gave them cause of 
mutual joy with us, in discoursing of the kind civility we 
found in a people, where we little expected any spark of 
humanity. 

Our captain had in this small time discovered up a great 
river, trending alongst into the main about forty miles. The 
pleasantness whereof, with the safety of harbor for shipping, 
together with the fertility of ground and other fruits, which 
were generally by his whole company related, I omit till I 
report of the whole discovery thereinafter performed. For 
by the breadth, depth, and strong flood, imagining it to run 
far up into the land, he with speed returned, intending to 
flank his light-horsemen for arrows, least it might happen 
that the further part of the river should be narrow, and by 
that means subject to the volley of savages on either side out 
of the woods. 

Until his return, our captain left on shore where he landed 
in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a pipe, a brooch 
and a knife, thereby to know if the savages had recourse 



138 WaymoutKs Voyage. 

that way, because they could at that time see none of them, 
but they were taken away before our return thither. 

I return now to our savages, who according to their ap- 
pointment about one o'clock, came with four canoes to the 
shore of the island right over against us, where they had 
lodged the last night, and sent one canoe to us with two of 
those savages, who had been aboard, and another who then 
seemed to have command of them ; for though we perceived 
their willingness, yet he would not permit them to come 
aboard : but he having viewed us and our ship, signed that 
he would go to the rest of the company and return again. 
Presently after their departure it began to rain, and continued 
all that afternoon, so as they could not come to us w T ith their 
skins and furs, nor we go to them. But after an hour or 
thereabout, the three which had been with us before came 
again, whom we had to our fire and covered them with 
our gowns. Our captain bestowed a shirt upon him, whom 
we thought to be their chief, who seemed never to have 
seen any before ; we gave him a brooch to hang about his 
neck, a great knife, and lesser knives to the two other, and 
to every one of them a comb and glass, the use whereof we 
shewed them : whereat they laughed and took gladly ; we 
victualled them, and gave them aqua vitae, which they tasted 
but would by no means drink ; our beverage they liked well, 
we gave them sugar candy, which after they had tasted they 
liked and desired more, and raisins which were given them; 
and some of everything they would reserve to carry to their 
company. Wherefore w ? e pitying their being in the rain, 
and therefore not able to get themselves victual (as we 
thought) we gave them bread and fish. 

Thus because we found the land a place answerable to 
the intent of our discovery, namely, fit for any nation to 
inhabit, we used the people with as great kindness as we 
could devise, or found them capable of. 

The next day being Saturday and the first of June, I 
traded with the savages all the forenoon upon the shore, 
where were eight-and-twenty of them ; and because our 
ship rode nigh, we were but five or six ; where for knives, 
glasses, combs, and other trifles to the value of four or five 
shillings, we had forty good beavers' skins, otters' skins, 
sables, and other small skins, which we knew not how to 



Waymouitis Voyage. 139 

call. Our trade being ended, many of them came aboard 
us, and did eat by our fire, and would be very merry and 
bold, in regard of our kind usage of them. Towards night 
our captain went on shore, to have a draught with the seine 
or net. And we carried two of them with us, who marvelled 
to see us catch fish with a net. Most of that we caught we 
gave them and their company. Then on the shore I learned 
the names of divers things of them ; and when they per- 
ceived me to note them down, they would of themselves 
fetch fishes, and fruit bushes, and stand by me to see me 
write their names. 

Our captain shewed them a strange thing, which they 
wondered at. His sword and mine having been touched 
with the loadstone, took up a knife, and held it fast, when 
they plucked it away, made the knife turn, being laid on a 
block, and touching it with his sword, made that take up a 
needle, whereat they much marvelled. This we did to 
cause them to imagine some great power in us ; and for that 
to love and fear us. 

When we went on shore to trade with them, in one of 
their canoes I saw their bows and arrows, which I took up 
and drew an arrow in one of them, which I found to be of 
strength able to carry an arrow five or six score strongly ; 
and one of them took it and drew as we draw our bows, not 
like the Indians. Their bow is made of witch-hazle, and 
some of beach in fashion much like our bows, but they want 
nocks, only a string of leather put through a hole at one end, 
and made fast with wood, some of ash, big and long, with 
three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificially ; headed 
with the long shank bone of a deer, made very sharp with 
two fangs in the manner of a harping iron. They had like- 
wise darts headed with like bone, one of which I darted 
among the rocks, and it brake not. These they use very 
cunningly, to kill fish, fowl and beasts. 

Our captain had two of them at supper with us in his cabin 
to see their demeanor, and had them in presence at service: 
who behaved themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor 
talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude 
education, neither would they eat or drink more than seemed 
to content nature ; they desired pease to carry ashore to their 
women, which we gave them, with fish and bread, and lent 
them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought again. 



140 Waymouffls Voyage. 

In the evening another boat came to them on the shore, and 
because they had some tobacco, which they brought for their 
own use, the other came for us, making sign what they had, 
and offered to carry some of us in their boat, but four or five 
of us went with them in our own boat ; when we came on 
shore they gave us the best welcome they could, spreading 
fallow deer's skins for us to sit on the ground by their fire, 
and gave us of their tobacco in our pipes, which was excellent, 
and so generally commended of us all, to be as good as any 
we ever took, being the simple leaf without any composition, 
strong and of sweet taste ; they gave us some to carry to 
our captain whom they called our bashabes : neither did 
they require anything for it, but we would not receive any 
thing from them without remuneration. 

Here we saw four of their women, who stood behind 
them as desirous to see us, but not willing to be seen ; for 
before whensoever we came on shore, they retired into the 
woods, whether it were in regard of their own natural mod- 
esty, being covered only as the men with the foresaid 
beaver's skins, or by the commanding jealousy of their hus- 
bands, which we rather suspected, because it is an inclina- 
tion much noted to be in savages ; wherefore we would by 
no means seem to take any special notice of them. They 
were very well favored in proportion of countenance, though 
colored black, low of stature, and fat, bare-headed as the 
men, wearing their hair long ; they had two little male 
children of a year and a half old as we judged, very fat and 
of good countenances, which they love tenderly, all naked 
except their legs, which were covered with their leather 
buskins tewed, fastened with strops to a girdle about their 
w^aist, which they gird very straight, and is decked round 
about with little round pieces of red copper : to these I gave 
chains and bracelets, glasses, and other trifles, which the 
savages, seemed to accept in great kindness. 

At our coming away, we would have had those two that 
supped with us, to go aboard and sleep, as they had prom- 
ised : but it appeared their company would not suffer them. 
Whereat we might easily perceive they were much grieved ; 
but not long after our departure, they came with three more 
to our ship, signing to us, that if one of our company would 
go lie on shore with them, they would stay with us. Then 



Waymouttis Voyage. 141 

Owen Griffin (one of the two we were to leave in the coun- 
try, if we had thought it needful or convenient) went with 
them in their canoe, and three of them stayed aboard us, 
whom our whole company very kindly used. Our captain 
saw their lodging provided, and them lodged in an old sail 
upon the orlop ; and because they much feared our dogs, 
they were tied up whensoever any of them came aboard us. 

Owen Griffin, which lay on the shore, reported unto me 
their manner, and as I may term them the ceremonies of 
their idolatry, which they perform thus. One among them 
(the eldest of the company as he judged) riseth right up, the 
other sitting still, and looking about suddenly cried with a 
loud voice, baugb, waugh : then the women fall down, and 
lie upon the ground ; and the men altogether answering the 
same, fall a stamping round about the fire with both feet, as 
hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry 
outcries, and change of voice and sound. Many take the 
fire sticks and thrust them into the earth, and then rest 
awhile; of a sudden beginning as before, they continue so 
stamping, till the younger sort fetched from the shore many 
stones of which every man took one, and first beat upon 
them with their fire sticks, then with the stones beat the earth 
with all their strength, and in this manner (as he reported) 
they continued above two hours. 

After this ended, they which have wives take them apart 
and withdraw themselves severally into the wood all night. 

The next morning as soon as they saw the sun rise, they 
pointed to him to come with them to our ship : and having 
received their men from us, they came with five or six of 
their canoes and company hovering about our ship : to 
whom (because it was the Sabbath day) 1 signed they 
should depart, and at the next sun-rising we would go along 
with them to their houses : which they understood (as we 
thought) and departed, some of their canoes coursing about 
the island, and the other directly towards the main. 

This day about five o'clock after noon, came three other 
canoes from the main, of which some had been with us 
before : and they came aboard us, and brought us tobacco, 
which we took with them in their pipes, which were made 
of earth, very strong, black, and short, containing a great 
quantity ; some tobacco they gave unto our captain, and 

VOL. VIII. 18 



142 Waymouttis Voyage. 

some to me, in very civil kind manner ; we requited them 
with bread and pease, which they carried to their company 
on shore, seeming very thankful ; after supper they returned 
with their canoe to fetch us ashore to take tobacco with 
them there, with whom six or seven of us went, and carried 
some trifles, if peradventure they had any truck, among 
which I carried some few biscuits, to try if they would 
exchange for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. 
When we came at shore they most kindly entertained us, 
taking us by the hands, as they had observed we did to 
them aboard in token of welcome, and brought us to sit 
down by their fire, where sat together thirteen of them. 
They filled their tobacco pipe, which was then the short 
claw of a lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes full, and 
we drank of their excellent tobacco as much as we would 
with them ; but we saw not any great quantity to truck for; 
and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend 
a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking: and 
they would sign unto us, that it was grown yet but a foot 
above ground, and would be above a yard high, with a leaf 
as broad as both their hands. They often would (by pointing 
to one part of the main eastward) sign unto us, that their 
Bashabes (that is their king) had great plenty of furs, and 
much tobacco. When we had sufficiently taken tobacco 
with them, I shewed some of our trifles to trade, but they 
•made sign that they had there nothing to exchange ; for (as 
I after conceived) they had been fishing and fowling, and so 
came thither to lodge that night by us ; for when we were 
ready to come away, they shewed us great cups made very 
wittily of bark, in form almost square, full of a red berry 
about the bigness of a bullis, which they did eat, and gave 
us by handfulls ; of which (though I liked not the taste) yet 
I kept some, because I would by no means but accept their 
kindness. They shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, 
whereof I tasted, and it was fat like porpoise : and another 
kind of great scaly fish, broiled on the coals, much like 
white salmon, which the Frenchmen call aloza,* for these 
they would have had bread ; which I refused, because in 
manner of exchange, I would always make the greatest 

* [L'Alose is the shad.] 



WaymoutWs Voyage. 143 

esteem I could of our commodities whatsoever; although 
they saw aboard our captain was liberal to give them, to the 
end we might allure them still to frequent us. Then they 
shewed me four young goslings, for which they required 
four biscuits, but I offered them two ; which they took and 
were well content. 

At our departure they made sign, that if any of us would 
stay there on shore some of them would go lie aboard us ; 
at which motion two of our company stayed with them, and 
three of the savages lodged with us in manner as the night 
before. 

Early the next morning, being Monday, the third of June, 
when they had brought our men aboard, they came about 
our ship, earnestly by signs desiring that we would go with 
them along to the main, for that there they had furs and 
tobacco to traffick with us. Wherefore our captain manned 
the light-horseman with as many men as he could well, which 
were about fifteen with rowers and all : and we went along 
with them. Two of their canoes they sent away before, 
and they which lay aboard us all night, kept company with 
us to direct us. 

This we noted as we went along, they in their canoe with 
three oars, would at their will go ahead of us and about us, 
when we rowed with eight oars strong ; such was their 
swiftness, by reason of the lightness and artificial composition 
of their canoe and oars. 

When we came near the point where we saw their fires, 
where they intended to land, and where they imagined some 
few of us would come on shore with our merchandise, as we 
had accustomed before, when they had often numbered our 
men very diligently, they scoured away to their company, 
not doubting we would have followed them. But when we 
perceived this, and knew not either their intents or number 
of savages on the shore, our captain, after consultation, 
stood off, and wafted them to us, determining that I should 
go on shore first to take a view of them, and what they had 
to traffic ; if he, whom at our first sight of them seemed to 
be of most respect among them, and being then in the canoe, 
would stay as a pawn for me. When they came to us (not- 
withstanding all our former courtesies) he utterly refused, 
but would leave a young savage, and for him our captain 



144 Waymouthh Voyage, 

sent Griffen in their canoe, while we lay hulling a little off. 
Griffen, at his return, reported that they had there assembled 
together, as he numbered them, two hundred eighty-three 
savages, every one his bow and arrows, with their dogs and 
wolves, which they keep tame, at command, and not any- 
thing to exchange at all ; but would have drawn us further 
up into a little narrow nook of a river, for their furs, as they 
pretended. 

These things considered, we began to join them in the 
rank of other savages, who have been by travellers in most 
discoveries found vevy treacherous, never attempting mis- 
chief until, by some remissness, fit opportunity afforded them 
certain ability to execute the same. Wherefore, after good 
advice taken, we determined, so soon as we could, to take 
some of them, least (being suspicious we had discovered 
their plots) they should absent themselves from us. 

Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men took cod and had- 
dock with hooks by our ship side, and lobsters very great, 
which before we had not tried. 

About eight o'clock, this day, we went on shore with our 
boats, to fetch aboard water and wood, our captain leaving 
word with the gunner in the ship, by discharging a musket, 
to give notice if they espied any canoe coming, which they 
did about ten o'clock. He therefore, being careful they 
should be kindly treated, requested me to go aboard, in- 
tending with dispatch to make what haste after he possibly 
could. When I came to the ship there were two canoes, 
and in either of them three savages, of whom two were be- 
low at the fire; the others staid in their canoes about the 
ship, and because we could not entice them aboard we gave 
them a can of pease and bread, which they carried to the 
shore to eat ; but one of them brought back our can 
presently, and staid aboard with the other two; for he being 
young, of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to 
bring with us into England, had received exceeding kind 
usage at our hands, and was therefore much delighted in 
our company. When our captain was come, we consulted 
how to catch the other three at shore, which we performed 
thus. 

We manned the light horseman with seven or eight men, 
one standing before carried our box of merchandise, as we 



Waymouttis Voyage. 145 

were wont when I went to traffic with them, and a platter 
of pease, which meat they loved ; but before we were 
landed, one of them (being so suspiciously fearful of his own 
good) withdrew himself into the wood. The other two met 
us on the shore side, to receive the pease, with whom we 
went up the cliff to their fire and sat down with them, and 
while we were discussing how to catch the third man who 
was gone, I opened the box, and shewed them trifles to 
exchange, thinking thereby to have banished fear from the 
other, and drawn him to return : but when we could not, 
we used little delay, but suddenly laid hands upon them, 
and it was as much as five or six of us could do to get them 
into the light horseman, for they were strong and so naked 
as our best hold was by their long hair on their heads ; and 
we would have been very loath to have done them any hurt, 
which of necessity we had been constrained to have done if 
we had attempted them in a multitude, which we must and 
would, rather than have wanted them, being a matter of great 
importance for the full accomplishment of our voyage. 

Thus we shipped five savages, two canoes, with all their 
bows and arrows. 

The next day we made an end of getting our wood 
aboard, and filled our empty cask with water. 

Thursday the sixth of June, we spent in bestowing the 
canoes upon the orlop safe from hurt, because they were 
subject to breaking, which our captain was careful to 
prevent. 

Saturday the eighth of June, our captain (being desirous 
to finish all business about this harbor) very early in the 
morning, with the light horseman, coasted five or six leagues 
about the islands adjoining, and sounded all along wheresoever 
we went, he likewise diligently searched the mouth of the 
harbor, and about the rocks which shew themselves at all 
times, and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no sea 
can come in to offend the harbor. This he did to instruct 
himself and thereby able to direct others that shall happen 
to come to this place. For everywhere both near the 
rocks, and in all soundings about the islands we never found 
less water than four or five fathoms which was seldom, but 
seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms is the continual sounding 
by the shore. In some places much deeper upon clay ooze 



146 Waymouih's Voyage. 

or soft sand : so that if any bound for this place should be 
either driven or scanted with winds, he shall be able (with 
his directions) to recover safely his harbor most securely in 
water enough by four several passages, more than which I 
think no man of judgment will desire as necessary. 

Upon one of the islands (because it had a pleasant sandy 
cove for small barks to ride in) we landed and found hard 
by the shore a pond of fresh water, which flowed over the 
banks, somewhat overgrown with little shrub trees, and 
searching up in the island, we saw it fed with a strong run, 
which with small labor, and little time, might be made to 
drive a mill. In this island, as in the other, were spruce 
trees of excellent timber and height, able to mast ships of 
great burthen. 

While we thus sounded from one place to another in so 
good depths, our captain, to make some trial of the fishing 
himself, caused a hook or two to be cast out at the mouth 
of the harbor, not above half a league from our ship, where 
in small time only, with the baits which they cut from the 
fish and three hooks, we got fish enough for our whole com- 
pany (though now augmented) for three days which I omit 
not to report, because it sheweth how great a profit the fish- 
ing would be, they being so plentiful, so great, and so good, 
with such convenient drying as can be wished, near at hand 
upon the rocks. 

This day, about one o'clock afternoon, came from the 
eastward two canoes aboard us, wherein was he that refused 
to stay with us for a pawn, and with him six other savages 
which we had not seen before, who had beautified them- 
selves after their manner very gallantly though their clothing 
was not differing from the former, yet they had newly 
painted their faces very deep, some all black, some red, 
with stripes of excellent blue over their upper lips, nose and 
chin. One of them wore a kind of coronet about his head, 
made very cunningly, of a substance like stiff hair colored 
red, broad, and more than a handful in depth, which we 
imagined to be some insigne of his superiority : for he so 
much esteemed it as he would not for anything exchange 
the same. Others wore the white feathered skins of some 
fowl, round about their head, jewels in their ears, and brace- 
lets of little white round bone, fastened together upon a 



WaymoutWs Voyage. 147 

leather string. These made not any show that they had 
notice of the other before taken, but we understood them by 
their speech and signs, that they came sent from the bash- 
abes and that his desire was that we would bring up our 
ship (which they call as their own boats, a quiden) to his 
house being as they pointed, upon the main towards the 
east, from whence they came, and that he would exchange 
with us for furs and tobacco. But because our company 
was but small, and now o,ur desire was with speed to dis- 
cover up the river, we let them understand, that if their 
bashabes would come to us he should be welcome, but we 
would not remove to him. Which when they understood 
(received of us bread and fish and every of them a knife) 
they departed for we had then no will to stay them long 
aboard, least they should discover the other savages which 
we had stowed below. 

Tuesday, the eleventh of June, we passed up into the 
river with our ship, about six and twenty miles, of which I 
had rather not write, than by my relation to detract from 
the worthiness thereof. For the river, besides that it is 
subject by shipping to bring in all traffics of merchandise, a 
benefit always accounted the richest treasury to any land ; 
for which cause our Thames hath that due denomination, 
and France by her navigable rivers receiveth her greatest 
wealth ; yet this place of itself from God and nature afford - 
eth as much diversity of good commodities, as any reasona- 
ble man can wish for present habitation and planting. 

The first and chiefest thing required, is a bold coast and 
fair land to fall with ; the next, a safe harbor for ships to 
ride in. 

The first is a special attribute to this shore, being most 
free from sands or dangerous rocks in a continual good 
depth, with a most excellent land fall, which is the first land 
we fell with, named by us, Saint George's Island. 

For the second, by judgment of our captain, who knoweth 
most of the coast of England, and most of other countries, 
(having been experienced by employments in discoveries 
and travels from his childhood) and by opinion of others 
of good judgment in our ship, here are more good 
harbors for ships of all burthens, than England can afford, 
and far more secure from all winds and weathers, than any 



148 Way mouth's Voyage. 

in England, Scotland, France or Spain. For (besides with- 
out the river in the channel, and sounds about the islands 
adjoining to the mouth thereof, no better riding can be 
desired for an infinite number of ships) the river itself as 
it runneth up into the main very nigh forty miles toward 
the great mountains, beareth in breadth a mile, sometime 
three quarters, and half a mile is the narrowest, where you 
shall never have under four and five fathoms water, hard by 
the shore, but six, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms all 
along, and on both sides every half mile very gallant coves, 
some able to contain almost a hundred sail, where the 
ground is excellent soft ooze with a tough clay under for 
anchor hold, and where ships may lie without either cable or 
anchor, only moored to the shore with a hauser. 

It floweth by their judgment eighteen or twenty ket at 
high water. 

Here are made by nature most excellent places, as docks 
to grave or careen ships of all burthens ; secured from all 
winds, which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that 
in few places in England or in any parts of Christendom, 
art, with great charges, can make the like. 

Besides the bordering land is a most rich neighbor trend- 
ing all along on both sides, in an equal plain neither moun- 
tainous nor rocky but verged with a green border of grass, 
doth make tender unto the beholder of her pleasant fertility, if 
by cleansing away the woods she were converted into 
meadow. 

The wood she beareth, is not shrubbish, fit only for fuel, 
but goodly tall fir, spruce, birch, beech, oak, which in many 
places is not so thick, but may with small labor be made 
feeding ground, being plentiful like the outward islands with 
fresh water, which streameth down in many places. 

As we passed with a gentle wind up with our ship in this 
river, any man may conceive with what admiration we all 
consented in joy. Many of our company who had been 
travellers in sundry countries, and in the most famous rivers 
yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. 
Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh in his voyage to 
Guiana, in the discovery of the river Orenoque, which 
echoed fame to the world's ears, gave reasons why it 
was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the 



WmjmoutKs Voyage. 149 

dangers of many shoals, and broken ground, wherewith that 
was incumbered. Others before that notable river in the 
West Indies called Rio Grande ; some before the river of 
Loire, the river Seine, and of Bourdeaux in France ; which 
although they be great and goodly rivers, yet it is no detrac- 
tion from them to be accounted inferior to this, which not 
only yieldeth all the foresaid pleasant profits, but also 
appeared infallibly to us free from all inconveniences. 

I will not prefer it before our river of Thames, because 
it is England's richest treasure : but we all did wish those 
excellent harbors, good deeps in a continual convenient 
breadth, and small tide gates, to be as well therein for our 
country's good, as we found them here (beyond our hopes) 
in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant 
this land for habitation : which if it had, with the other insep- 
arable adherent commodities here to be found ; then I would 
boldly affirm it to be the most rich, beautiful, large and 
secure harboring river that the world afford eth. 

Wednesday the twelfth of June, our captain manned his 
light horseman with seventeen men, and ran up from the 
ship riding in the river up to the codde thereof, where we 
landed, leaving six to keep the light horseman till our return. 
Ten of us with our shot, and some armed, with a boy to 
carry powder and match, marched up into the country 
towards the mountains, which we descried at our first falling 
with the land. Unto some of them the river brought us so 
near, as we judged ourselves when we landed to have 
been within a league of them ; but we marched up about 
four miles in the main and passed over three hills : and 
because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their 
armour not able to travel far and return that night to our 
ship, we resolved not to pass any further, being all very 
weary of so tedious and laborsome a travel. 

In this march we passed over very good ground, pleasant 
and fertile, fit for pasture, for the space of some three miles, 
having but little wood, and that oak, like stands left in our 
pastures in England, good and great, fit timber for any use, 
some small birch, hazle and brake, which might in small 
time with few men be cleansed and made good arable land : 
but as it now is will feed cattle of all kinds with fodder 
enough for summer and winter. The soil is black, bearing 

VOL. vni. 19 



150 WaymoulWs Voyage. 

sundry herbs, grass, and strawberries bigger than ours in 
England. In many places are low thicks like our copses 
of small young wood. And surely it did all resemble a 
stately park, wherein appear some old trees with high with- 
ered tops and other flourishing with living green boughs. 
Upon the hills grow notable high timber trees, masts for 
ships of four hundred ton ; and at the bottom of every hill, 
a little run of fresh water : but the farthest and last we 
passed ran with a great stream able to drive a mill. 

We might see in some places where fallow deer and 
hares had been, and by the rooting of ground we supposed 
wild hogs had ranged there, but we could descry no beast, 
because our noise still chased them from us. 

We were no sooner come aboard our light horseman, 
returning towards our ship, but we espied a canoe coming 
from the further part of the cod of the river eastward, which 
hasted to us wherein with two others, w 7 as he who refused 
to stay for a pawn ; and his coming was very earn- 
estly importing to have one of our men to go lie on shore 
with their bashabes (who was there on shore as they 
signed) and then the next morning he would come to our ship 
with many firs and tobacco. This we perceived to be only 
a mere device to get possession of any of our men, to ransom 
all those which we had taken, which our natural policy could 
not so shadow, but we did easily discover and prevent. 
These means were by this savage practised, because we 
had one of his kinsmen prisoner, as we judged by his most 
kind usage of him being aboard us together. 

Thursday the thirteenth of June, by two o'clock in the 
morning (because our captain would take the help and 
advantage of the tide) in the light horseman with our com- 
pany well provided and furnished with armor and shot both 
to defend and offend ; we went from our ship up to that 
part of the river which trended westward into the main, to 
search that : and we carried with us a cross, to erect at that 
point, which (because it was not daylight) we left on the 
shore until our return back when we set it up in manner as 
the former. For this (by the way) we diligently observed, 
that in no place, either about the islands, or up in the main, 
or alongst the river, we could discern any token or sign, 
that ever any christian had been before : of which either by 



WaymoutWs Voyage* 151 

cutting wood, digging for water, or setting up crosses (a 
thing never omitted by any christian travellers) we should 
have perceived some mention left. 

But to return to our river further up into which we then 
rowed by estimation twenty miles, the beauty and goodness 
whereof I cannot by relation sufficiently demonstrate. That 
which I can say in general is this : what profit or pleasure 
soever is described and truly verified in the former part of 
the river, is wholly doubled in this ; for the breadth and 
depth is such, that any ship drawing seventeen or eighteen 
feet water, might have passed as far as we went with our 
light horseman and by all our men's judgment much further, 
because we left it in so good depth and breadth ; which is 
so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth, by 
how much it trendeth further up into the main ; for from 
the place of our ships riding in the harbor at the entrance 
into the sound, to the furthest part we were in this river, by 
our estimation was not much less than threescore miles. 

From each bank of this river are divers branching streams 
into the main, whereby is afforded an unspeakable profit by 
the conveniency of transportation from place to place which 
in some countries is both chargeable, and not to be fit, by 
carriages or wain, or horseback. 

Here we saw great store of fish, some great leaping above 
water, which we judged to be salmons. All along is an 
excellent mould of ground. The wood in most places, 
especially on the east side very thin, chiefly oak and some 
small young birch, bordering low upon the river ; all fit for 
meadow and pasture ground ; and in that space we went, 
we had on both sides the river many plain plots of meadow, 
some of three or four acres, some of eight or nine : so as we 
judged in the whole to be between thirty and forty acres of 
good grass, and where the arms run out into the main, there 
likewise went a space on both sides of clear grass, how 
far we know not ; in many places we might see paths made to 
come down to the watering. 

The excellency of this part of the river, for his good 
breadth, depth, and fertile bordering ground, did so ravish 
us all with variety of pleasantness, as we could not tell what 
to commend, but only admired ; some compared it to the 



152 , Waymouth's Voyage. 

river Severn, (but in a higher degree) and we all concluded as I 
verily think we might right) that we should never see the like 
river in every degree equal, until it pleased God we beheld 
the same again. For the farther we went, the more pleas- 
ing it was to every man, alluring us still with expectation of 
better, so as our men, although they had with great labor 
rowed long and eat nothing (for we carried with us no 
victual, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so 
refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof, and so loath 
to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would have 
continued willingly with that only fare and labor two days ; 
but the tide not suffering us to make any longer stay (because 
we were to come back with the tide) and our captain better 
knowing what was fit than we, and better what they in 
labor were able to endure, being very loath to make any 
desperate hazard, where so little necessity required, thought 
it best to make return, because whither we had discovered 
was sufficient to conceive that the river ran very far into the 
land, for we passed six or seven miles, altogether fresh water 
(whereof we all drank) forced up by the flowing of the salt : 
which after a great while ebb where we left it, by breadth 
of channel and depth of water was likely to run by estima- 
tion of our whole company an unknown way farther : the 
search whereof our captain hath left till his return, if it shall 
so please God to dispose of him and us. 

For we having now by the direction of the Omnipotent 
Disposer of all good intents (far beyond the period of our 
hopes) fallen with so bold a coast, found so excellent and 
secure harbor, for as many ships as any nation professing 
Christ is able to set forth to sea, discovered a river, which 
the all-creating God, with his most liberal hand, hath made 
above report notable with his foresaid blessings, bordered 
with a land, whose pleasant fertility bewrayeth itself to be 
the garden of nature, wherein she only intended to delight 
herself, having hitherto obscured it to any, except to a pur- 
blind generation, whose understanding it hath pleased God 
to darken, as they can neither discern, use, or rightly esteem 
the unvaluable riches in midst whereof they live sensually 
content with the bark and outward rinds, as neither knowing 
the sweetness of the inward marrow, nor acknowledging the 



Waymouttts Voyage. 153 

Deity of the Almighty giver : having I say thus far proceed- 
ed, and having some of the inhabitant nation (of best under- 
standing we saw among them) who (learning our language) 
may be able to give us further instruction, concerning all the 
premised particulars, as also of their governors, and govern- 
ment, situation of towns, and what else shall be convenient, 
which by no means otherwise we could by any observation 
of ourselves learn in a long time ; our captain now wholly 
intended his provision for speedy return. For although the 
time of year and our victual were not so spent, but we could 
have made a longer voyage, in searching farther and trading 
for very good commodities, yet as they might have been 
much profitable so (our company being small) much more 
prejudicial to the whole state of our voyage, which w T e were 
most regardful now not to hazard. For we supposing not a 
little present private profit, but a public good and true zeal 
of promulgating God's holy church, by planting Christianity, 
to be the sole intent of the honorable setters forth of this dis- 
covery ; thought it generally most expedient, by our speedy 
return, to give the longer space of time to make provision 
for so weighty an enterprise. 

Friday, the 14th day of June, early by four o'clock in the 
morning, with the tide, our two boats, and a little help of 
the wind, we rowed down to the river's mouth, and there 
came to an anchor about eleven o'clock. Afterward our 
captain in the light horseman searched the sounding all 
about the mouth and coming to the river, for his certain in- 
struction of a perfect description. 

The next day being Saturday, we weighed anchor, and 
with a breeze from the land, we sailed up to our watering 
place and there stopped, went on shore and filled all our 
empty casks with fresh water. 

Our captain upon the rock in the midst of the harbor ob- 
served the height, latitude, and variation exactly upon his 
instruments. 

1. Astrolabe. 2. Semisphere. 3. Ring instrument. 
4. Cross staff. 5. And an excellent compass made for 
the variation. 

The certainty whereof, together with the particularities of 
every depth and sounding, as well at our falling with the 
land, as in the discovery, and at our departure from the 



154 Waymouth?s Voyage. 

coast; I refer to his own relation in the map of his geo- 
graphical description, which for the benefit of others he in- 
tendeth most exactly to publish.* 

The temperature of the climate (albeit a very important 
matter) I had almost passed without mentioning, because it 
afforded to us no great alteration from our disposition in 
England : somewhat hotter up into the main, because it 
lieth open to the south ; the air so wholesome, as I suppose 
not any of us found ourselves at any time more healthful, 
more able to labor, nor with better stomachs to such good 
fare, as we partly brought, and partly found, 

Sunday, the 16th of June, the wind being fair, and be- 
cause we had set out of England upon a Sunday, made the 
islands upon a Sunday, and as we doubt not (by God's ap- 
pointment) happily fell into our harbor upon a Sunday : so 
now (beseeching him still with like prosperity to bless our 
return into England our country, and from thence with his 
good will and pleasure to hasten our next arrival there) we 
weighed anchor and quit the land upon a Sunday. 

Tuesday, the 18th day, being not run above thirty leagues 
from land, and our captain for his certain knowledge how to 
fall with the coast, having sounded every watch, and from 
forty fathoms had come into good deeping, to seventy, and 
so to an hundred: this day the weather being fair, after the 
four o'clock watch, when we supposed not to have found 
ground so far from land, and before sounded in above one 
hundred fathoms, we had ground in twenty-four fathoms. 
Wherefore our sails being down, Thomas King boatswain, 
presently cast out a hook, and before he judged it at ground, 
was fished and hauled up an exceeding great and well fed 
cod, then there were cast out three or four more, and the 
fish was so plentiful and so great, as when our captain 
would have set sail, we all desired him to suffer them to 
take fish awhile, because we were so delighted to see them 
catch so great fish, so fast as the hook came down : some 
with playing with the hook they took by the back, and one 
of the mates with two hooks at a lead, at five draughts to- 

* The latitude he found to be forty-three degrees twenty minutes north. The 
variation eleven degrees fifteen minutes ; viz : one pnint of the compass westward. 
And it is so much in England, by Lhnehouse near London, eastwnrd. 4th Purckas, 
1666. [Yet the river he ascended was undoubtedly the Penobscot j 



Waymouthh Voyage. 155 

gether hauled up ten fishes : all were generally very great, 
some they measured to be five feet long, and three feet 
about. 

This caused our captain not to marvel at the shoulding, 
for he perceived it was a fish bank ; which (for our farewell 
from the land) it pleased God in continuance of his blessings, 
to give us knowledge of: the abundant profit whereof should 
be alone sufficient cause to draw men again, if there were 
no other good both in present certain, and in hope probable 
to be discovered. To amplify this with words, were to add 
light to the sun : for every one in the ship could easily ac- 
count this present commodity ; much more those of judg- 
ment which knew what belonged to fishing, would warrant 
(by the help of God) in a short voyage with few good fish- 
ers to make a more profitable return from hence than from 
Newfoundland : the fish being so much greater, better fed, 
and abundant with train, of which some they desired, and 
did bring into England to bestow among their friends, and 
to testify the true report. 

After we kept our course directly for England, and with 
ordinary winds, and sometimes calms, upon Sunday, the 
14th of July, about six o'clock at night, we were come into 
sounding in our channel, but with dark weather and con- 
trary winds, we were constrained to beat up and down till 
Tuesday, the 16th of July, when by five o'clock in the morn- 
ing we made Scylly ; from whence, hindered with calms and 
small winds, upon Thursday, the 18th of July, about four 
o'clock afternoon, we came into Dartmouth: which haven 
happily (with God's gracious assistance) we made our last 
and first harbor in England. 

Further I have thought fit to add some things worthy to 
be regarded, which we have observed from the savages since 
we took them. 

First although at the time when we surprised them, they 
made their best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor 
what we were, nor how we meant to use them ; yet after 
perceiving by their kind usage we intended them no harm, 
they have never since seemed discontented with us, but 
very tractable, loving and willing by their best means to sat- 
isfy us in anything we demand of them, by words or signs 
for their understanding : neither have they at any time been 



156 WaymouiK's Voyage. 

at the least discord among themselves : insomuch as we 
have not seen them angry, but merry ; and so kind, as if 
you give anything to one of them, he will distribute part to 
every one of the rest. 

We have brought them to understand some English, and 
we understand much of their language : so as we are able 
to ask them many things. And this we have observed, that 
if we shew them anything, and ask them if they have it in 
their country, they will tell you if they have it, and the use 
of it, the difference from ours in bigness, color, or form : but 
if they have it not be it a thing never so precious, they will 
deny the knowledge of it. 

They have names for many stars, which they will shew 
in the firmament. 

They shew great reverence to their king, and are in great 
subjection to their governors : and they will shew a great 
respect to any we tell them are our commanders. 

They shew the manner how they make bread of their 
Indian wheat, and how they make butter and cheese of the 
milk they have of the reindeer and fallow deer, which they 
have tame as we have cows. 

They have excellent colors. And having seen our indigo, 
they make shew of it, or of some other like thing which 
maketh as good a blue. 

One especial thing is their manner of killing the whale, 
which they call powdawe ; and will describe his form ; how 
he bloweth up the water ; and that he is twelve fathoms 
long ; and that they go in company of their king with a 
multitude of their boats, and strike him with a bone made in 
fashion of a harping iron fastened to a rope, which they 
make great and strong of the bark of trees, which they veer 
out after him : then all their boats come about him, and 
as he riseth above water, with their arrows they shoot him 
to death : when they have killed him and dragged him to 
shore, they call all their chief lords together, and sing a song 
of joy : and those chief lords, whom they call sagamores, di- 
vide the spoil, and give to every man a share, which pieces 
so distributed, they hang up about their houses for provision : 
and when they boil them, they blow off the fat, and put to 
their pease, maize, and other pulse which they eat. 



WaymoutfCs Voyage. 157 



A Brief Note of what Profits we saw the Country yield in 
the small time of our stay there. 

Trees. Oak of an excellent grain, strait and great tim- 
ber ; elm, beech ; birch, very tall and great ; of whose bark 
they make their canoes. Witch-hazel, hazel, alder, cherry- 
tree, ash, maple, yew, spruce, aspen, fir. Many fruit trees 
which we knew not. 

Fowls. Eagles, hernshaws, cranes, ducks great, geese, 
swans, penguins, crows, shrikes, ravens, mews, turtle-doves. 
Many birds of sundry colors ; many other fowls in flocks, 
unknown. 

Beasts. Reindeer, stags, fallow-deer, bears, wolves, 
beaver, otter, hare, cony, hedge-hogs, polecats, wild great- 
cats. Dogs ; some like wolves, some like spaniels. 

Fishes. Whales, seals, cod very great, haddock great, 
herring great, plaise, thomback, rockfish, lobster great, crabs, 
muscles great, with pearls in them, cockles, wilks, cunner- 
fish, lumps, tortoises, oysters, whiting, soals. 

Fruits, plants and herbs. Tobacco excellent, sweet and 
strong; abundance of wild vines, strawberries, raspberries, 
gooseberries, whurtleberries, currant trees, rose-bushes ; 
pease, ground-nuts ; angelica, a most sovereign herb ; an 
herb that spreadeth the ground, and smelleth like sweet 
marjoram, great plenty ; very good dyes, which appear by 
their paintings, which they carry with them in bladders. 

The names of the five savages which we brought home 
into England, which are all yet alive, are these. 

1. Tahanedo, a sagamore or commander. 

2. Amoret; 1 

3. Skicowaros ; > Gentlemen. 

4. Manecldo. ) 

5. SafTacomoit, a servant. 



VOL. VIII. 20 



VOYAGE 



INTO 



NEW ENGLAND, 



BEGUN IN 1623, AND ENDED IN 1624. 



PERFORMED BY 



CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, 

HIS MAJESTY'S WOODWARD OF SOMERSETSHIRE, AND ONE 
OF THE COUNCIL OF NEW ENGLAND. 



PRINTED AT LONDON, BY WILLIAM JONES, 

And are to be sold by Edward Brewster, at the sign 
of the Bible, in Paul's Churchyard. 

1628. 



[No copy of this work being known to exist in this vicinity, it is here 
reprinted from a transcript procured by Professor Sparks in England, 
and communicated by F. C. Gray.] 



To the Right Honorable, George Duke of Buckingham his 
Grace, Thomas Earl of Arundell and Surrey, Robert 
Earl of Warwick, John Earl of Holderness, and the 
rest of the Council for New England. 

May it please your Lordships, that whereas you granted 
your commission unto Captain Robert Gorges, Governor of 
New England, Captain Francis West, myself, and the Gover- 
nor of New Plymouth, as counsellors with him, for the order- 
ing and governing of all the said territories, wherein we have 
been diligent to the uttermost of our powers, as we shall be 
ready to render an account unto your honors, when you 
shall be pleased to require us thereunto, In the meantime, 
I thought it my duty to present unto your views, such 
observation as I have taken, both for the country and people, 
commodities and discommodities : as also, what places are 
fit to settle plantations in, which not ; what courses are 
fit in my understanding to be taken, for bringing glory to 
God, honor to our king and nation, good unto the common- 
wealth, and profit to all adventurers and planters : which I 
humbly beseech your lordships to accept of, as the best fruits 
of a shallow capacity ; so shall I think my time and charge 
well employed, which I have spent in these affairs. 

I have omitted many things in this my discourse, which I 
conceived to be impertinent at this time for me to relate, as 
of the time of my being at sea, of the strange fish which we 
there saw, some with wings flying above the water, others 
w r ith manes, ears, and heads, and chasing one another with 
open mouths like stone horses in a park, as also of the steer- 
ing of our course, the observation of the sun and stars, by 
which the elevation of the pole is found, the degrees of 
latitude known, which shows how far a ship is out of his 
due course, either to the north or south : likewise of the 
making of the land at our arrival upon the coast of New 
England, how it did arise and appear unto us : how every 



162 

harbor bears one from another upon the point of the com- 
pass ; and what rocks and dangers are in the way ; how 
many fathoms water is found by sounding at the entrance 
of any harbor ; and from how many of the several winds all 
the harbors are land-locked. But by this means I thought 
I should not only be tedious, but also in danger of losing 
myself, for want of fit phrases and sound judgment, in the 
arts of the mathematics and navigation, (being but a young 
scholar, though an ancient traveller by sea,) and therefore 
thought better to omit those, than anything I have to relate. 
Thus beseeching God to bless your honors, I rest at your 
Lordship's service. Christopher Levett. 



THE CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



Contains my Discovery of divers Rivers and Harbors with their 
Names, and which are fit for Plantations and which not. 

CHAPTER II. 

Showeth how the Savages carried themselves unto me continually, 
and of my going to their King's houses ; and their coming to mine. 

CHAPTER III. 

Showeth the Nature and Disposition of the Savages, and of their several 
Gods, Squanto and Tanto. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Contains a description of the Country, with the Commodities and 
Discommodities. 

CHAPTER V. 

Certain Objections and Answers, with sufficient Proofs how it may be 
exceeding profitable to the Commonwealth, and all Planters and Adven- 
turers. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Showeth how by adventuring of one hundred pounds more or less, a 
man may profit so much every year for twenty years, or more without 
any more charge than at the first. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Showeth how every Parish may be freed of their weekly payments to 
the Poor, by the Profits which may be fetched thence. With certain 
Objections against the things contained in this and the former Chapter : 
with Answers thereunto. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Contains certain Directions for all private Persons that intend to go 
into New England to plant. 



'A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 



CHAPTER I. 

Contains my Discovery of divers Rivers and Harbors ; 
with their names, and which are fit for plantation and 
which not 

The first place I set my foot upon in New England, was 
the Isle of Shoals, being islands in the sea, about two leagues 
from the main. 

Upon these islands, I neither could see one good timber 
tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden. 

The place is found to be a good fishing place for six 
ships, but more cannot well be there, for want of convenient 
stage room, as this year's experience hath proved. 

The harbor is but indifferent good. Upon these islands 
are no savages at all. 

The next place I came unto was Pannaway, where one 
M. Tomson hath made a plantation, there I stayed about 
one month, in which time I sent for my men from the east : 
who came over in divers ships. 

At this place I met with the Governor, who came thither 
in a bark which we had from one M. Weston about twenty 
days before I arrived in the land. 

The Governor then told me that I was joined with him 
in commission as a counsellor, which being read I found it 
was so. And he then, in the presence of three more of the 
counsel, administered unto me an oath. 

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two 
boats with all my company. 

In the time I stayed with M. Tomson, I surveyed as 
much as possible I could, the weather being unseasonable 
and very much snow. 



Levetfs Voyage. 165 

In those parts I saw much good timber, but the ground it 
seemed to me not to be good, being very rocky and full of 
trees and brushwood. 

There is great store of fowl of divers sorts, whereof I fed 
very plentifully. 

About two English miles further to the east, I found a 
great river and a good harbor called Piscataway. But for the 
ground I can say nothing, but by the relation of the saga- 
more or king of that place, who told me there was much 
good ground up in the river about seven or eight leagues. 

About two leagues further to the east is another great 
river called Aquamenticus. There I think a good plantation 
may be settled, for there is a good harbor for ships, good 
ground, and much already cleared, fit for planting of corn 
and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the 
savages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely 
to be good fishing, but as yet there hath been no trial made 
that I can hear of. 

About six leagues further to the east is a harbor called 
Cape Porpas, the which is indifferent good for six ships, and 
it is generally thought to be an excellent place for fish, 
but as yet there hath been no trial made, but there may 
be a good plantation seated, for there is good timber and 
good ground, but will require some labor and charge. 

About four leagues further east, there is another harbor 
called Saco ; (between this place and Cape Porpas I lost one 
of my men) ; before we could recover the harbor a great fog 
or mist took us that we could not see a hundred yards from 
us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the sea, called for a 
compass and set the capeland, by which we knew how to 
steer our course, which was no sooner done but we lost 
sight of land, and my other boat, and the wind blew fresh 
against us, so that we were enforced to strike sail, and 
betake us to our oars which we used with all the wit and 
strength we had, but by no means could we recover the 
shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round with 
breaches, which roared in a most fearful manner on every 
side of us : we took counsel in this extremity one of another 
what to do to save our lives ; at length we resolved that to 
put to sea again in the night was no fit course, the storm 
being great, and the wind blowing right off the shore, and 

VOL* VIII. 21 



166 Levetfs Voyage. 

to run our boat on the shore among the breaches, (which 
roared in a most fearful manner) and cast her away and 
endanger ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor 
knowing where we were. At length I caused our killick 
(which was the anchor we had) to be cast forth, and one 
continually to hold his hand upon the rood or cable, by 
which we knew whether our anchor held or no : which 
being done we commended ourselves to God by prayer, 
and put on a resolution to be as comfortable as we could, 
and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and 
the next morning ; with much ado we got into Saco, where 
I found my other boat. 

There I stayed five nights, the wind being contrary, and 
the weather very unseasonable, having much rain and snow, 
and continual fogs. 

We built us our wigwam, or house, in one hour's space. 
It had no frame, but was without form or fashion, only a iew 
poles set up together, and covered with our boat's sails, 
which kept forth but a little wind, and less rain and snow. 

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which 
was spiritual, was this ; we had fowl enough for killing, 
wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for 
drinking. 

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our 
wet clothes. We had plenty of crane, goose, ducks and 
mallard, with other fowl, both boiled and roasted, but our 
spits and racks were many times in danger of burning before 
the meat was ready (being but wooden ones.) 

After I had stayed there three days, and no likelihood of 
a good wind to carry us further, I took with me six of my 
men, and our arms, and walked along the shore to discover 
as much by land as I could : after I had travelled about two 
English miles I met with a river which stayed me that I 
could go no further by land that day but returned to our 
place of habitation where we rested that night (having our 
lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my 
company to accompany me to a marsh ground, where we 
gathered every man his burthen of long dry grass, which 
being spread in our wigwam or house, I praise God I rested 
as contentedly as ever I did in all my life. And then came into 
my mind an old merry saying, which I have heard of a 



Levetfs Voyage. 167 

beggar boy, who said if ever he should attain to be a king, 
he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding in it, and 
lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw, and thus I 
made myself and my company as merry as I could, with 
this and some other conceits, making this use of all, that it 
was much better than we deserved at God's hands, if he 
should deal with us according to our sins. 

The next morning I caused four of my men to row my 
lesser boat to this river, who with much ado got in myself, 
and three more going by land ; but by reason of the extrem- 
ity of the weather we were enforced to stay there that 
night, and were constrained to sleep upon the river bank, 
being the best place we could find, the snow being very 
deep. 

The next morning we were enforced to rise betime, for 
the tide came up so high that it washed away our fire, and 
would have served us so too if we had not kept watch. So 
we went over the river in our boat, where I caused some to 
stay with her, myself being desirous to discover further by 
land, 1 took with me four men and walked along the shore 
about six English miles further to the east where I found 
another river, which stayed me. So we returned back to 
Saco, where the rest of my company and my other boat lay. 
That night I was exceeding sick, by reason of the wet and 
cold and much toiling of my body : but thanks be to God I 
was indifferent well the next morning, and the wind being 
fair we put to sea, and that day came to Quack. 

But before I speak of this place 1 must say something 
of Saco, and the two rivers which I discovered in that bay, 
which I think never Englishman saw before. 

Saco is about one league to the north-east of a cape land. 
And about one English mile from the main lieth six islands, 
which make an indifferent good harbor. And in the main 
there is a cove or gut, which is about a cable's length in 
breadth, and two cables' length long, there two good ships 
may ride, being well moored ahead and stern, and within 
the cove there is a great marsh, where at a high water a 
hundred sail of ships may float, and be free from all winds, 
but at low water must lie aground, but being soft ooze they 
can take no hurt. 

In this place there is a world of fowl, much good timber 



168 Levetfs Voyage. 

and a great quantity of clear ground and good, if it be not a 
little too sandy. There hath been more fish taken within 
two leagues of this place this year than in any other in the 
land. 

The river next to Saco eastwards, which I discovered by 
land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river 
that ever my eyes beheld. It flows at least ten foot water 
upright, and yet the ebb runs so strong that the tide doth 
not stem it. At three quarters flood my men were scarce 
able with four oars to row ahead. And more than that, at 
full sea I dipped my hand in the water, quite without the 
mouth of the river, in the very main ocean, and it was as 
fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a spring. 

This river, as I am told by the savages, cometh from a 
great mountain called the Crystal hill, being as they say one 
hundred miles in the country, yet is it to be seen at the sea 
side, and there is no ship arrives in New England, either to 
the west so far as Cape Cod, or to the east so far as Mon- 
higgen, but they see this mountain the first land, if the 
weather be clear. 

The next river eastward which I discovered by land, is 
about six miles from the other. About these two rivers I 
saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also 
much fowl, fish and other commodities : but these places 
are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no 
good coming in, either for ship or boat, by reason of a sandy 
breach which lieth along the shore, and makes all one 
breach. 

And now in its place I come to Quack, which I have 
named York. At this place there fished divers ships of 
Waymouth this year. 

It lieth about two leagues to the east of Cape Elizabeth. 
It is a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands 
which lieth in the sea about one English mile and half. 

There are four islands which makes one good harbor, 
there is very good fishing, much fowl and the main as good 
ground as any can desire. There 1 found one river wherein 
the savages say there is much salmon and other good fish. 
In this bay, there hath been taken this year four sturgeons, 
by fishermen who drive only for herrings, so that it is likely 
there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that 



Levetfs Voyage. 169 

purpose. This river I made bold to call by my own name, 
Levett's river, being the first that discovered it. How far 
this river is navigable I cannot tell ; I have been but six miles 
up it, but on both sides is goodly ground. 

In the same bay I found another river, up which I went 
about three miles and found a great fall of water, much 
bigger than the fall at London bridge at low water, further 
a boat cannot go, but above the fall the river runs smooth 
again. 

I note at this fall of water the sagamore or king of that 
place hath a house, where I was one day when there were 
two sagamores more, their wives and children, in all about 
fifty, and we were but seven. They bid me welcome and 
gave me such victuals as they had, and I gave them tobacco 
and aqua vitae. 

After I had spent a little time with them I departed and 
gave them a small shot, and they gave me another. And 
the great sagamore of the east country, whom the rest do 
acknowledge to be chief amongst them, he gave unto me a 
beaver's skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great 
love we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly 
ground. 

From this harbor to Sagadahock, which is about eight or 
nine leagues, is all broken islands in the sea, which makes 
many excellent good harbors, where a thousand sail of ships 
may ride in safety ; the sound going up within the islands 
to the cape of Sagadahock. 

In the way betwixt York and Sagadahock lieth Cascoe, 
a good harbor, good fishing, good ground, and much fowl. 
And I am persuaded that from cape Elizabeth to Sagada- 
hock, which is above thirty leagues to follow the main, is all 
exceeding commodious for plantations ; and that there may 
be twenty good towns well seated, to take the benefit both 
of the sea, and fresh rivers. 

For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath been 
heretofore enough said by others, and I fear me too much. 
But the place is good ; there fished this year two ships. 

The next place I came to was Capemanwagan, a place 
where nine ships fished this year. But I like it not for a 
plantation, for I could see little good timber and less good 
ground ; there I staid four nights, in which time, there came 



1 70 Levetfs Voyage. 

many savages with their wives and children, and some of 
good account amongst them, as Menawormet a sagamore, 
Cogawesco the sagamore of Casco, and Quack, now called 
York, Somerset, a sagamore, one that hath been found very 
faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of 
our nation, some from starving, others from killing. 

They intended to have been gone presently, but hearing 
of my being there, they desired to see me, which I under- 
stood by one of the masters of the ships, who likewise told 
me that they had some store of beaver coats and skins, and 
was going to Pemaquid to truck with one Mr. Witheridge, 
a master of a ship of Bartable, and desired me to use means 
that they should not carry them out of the harbor. I wished 
them to bring all their truck to one Mr. Coke's stage, and 
I would do 'he best I could to put it away : some of them 
did accordingly, and I then sent for the sagamores', who 
came, and after some compliments they told me I must be 
their cousin, and that Captain Gorges was so, (which you 
may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cous- 
in to so many great kings at one instant, but did willingly 
accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleas- 
antly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that I 
understood they had some coats and beaver skins which I 
desired to truck for : but they were unwilling, and I seemed 
careless of it (as men must do if they require anything of 
them.) But at last Somerset swore that there should be 
none carried out of the harbor, but his cousin Levett should 
have all, and then they began to offer me some by way of 
gift, but I would take none but one pair of sleeves from 
Cogawesco, but told them it was not the fashion of English 
captains always to be taking, but sometimes to take and 
give, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, 
we had all except one coat and two skins, which they re- 
served to pay an old debt with ; but they staying all that 
night, had them stole from them. 

In the morning the sagamores came to me with a grievous 
complaint. I used the best language I could to give them 
content, and went with them to some stages which they 
most suspected, and searched both cabins and chests, but 
found none. They seeing my willingness to find the thief 
out, gave me thanks, and wished me to forbear, saying the 



Levetfs Voyage. 171 

rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not 
find them. 

When they were ready to depart they asked me where 1 
meant to settle my plantation. I told them I had seen 
many places to the west, and intended to go further to the 
east before I could resolve ; they said there was no good 
place, and I had heard that Pemoquicl, and Capmanwagan, 
and Monhiggon were granted to others, and the best time 
for fishing was then at hand, which made me the more wil- 
ling to retire, and the rather because Cogawesco the saga- 
more of Cascq and Quack, told me if that I would sit down 
at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and 
that he and his wife would go along with me in my boat to 
see them, which courtesy I had no reason to refuse, because 
I had set up my resolution before to settle my plantation at 
Quack, which I named York, and was glad of this opportu- 
nity, that I had obtained the consent of them, who as I 
conceive hath a natural right of inheritance, as they are the 
sons of Noah, and therefore do think it fit to carry things 
very fairly without compulsion, (if it be possible,) for avoid- 
ing of treachery. 

The next day the wind came fair, and I sailed to Quack 
or York, with the king, queen, and prince, bow and arrows, 
dog and kettle in my boat, his noble attendance rowing by 
us in their canoes. 

When we came to York the masters of the ships came to 
bid me welcome, and asked what savages those were. I 
told them, and 1 thanked them ; they used them kindly, and 
gave them meat, drink, and tobacco. The woman or re- 
puted queen, asked me if those men were my friends. I 
told her they were ; then she drank to them, and told them 
they were welcome to her country, and so should all my 
friends be at any time ; she drank also to her husband, and 
bid him welcome to her country too ; for you must under- 
stand that her father was the sagamore of this place, and 
left it to her at his death, having no more children. 

And thus after many dangers, much labor and great 
charge, I have obtained a place of habitation in New 
England, where I have built a house, and fortified it in a 
reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such enemies 
as are those savage people. 



172 Levetfs Voyage. 



CHAPTER II. 

Sheiveth how the Savages carried themselves unto me contin- 
ually, and of my going to their King's houses : and their 
coining to mine. 

Whilst I stayed in this place I had some little truck, but 
not much, by reason of an evil member in the harbor, who 
being covetous of truck used the matter so, that he got the 
savages away from me. 

And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this sort, 
for he hath not spared your lordships and all the counsel for 
New England. 

He said unto the governor that the lords had sent men 
over into that country with commissions, to make a prey of 
others. And yet for my own part I never demanded or 
took from any man in that country, the value of a denier, 
neither had I so much help from any ship or ship's company 
as one man's labor the space of an hour, nor had I any pro- 
vision or victual upon any terms whatsoever, save only one 
thousand of bread, and twenty-two bushels of peas, which 
was offered unto me, and not by me requested, for which I 
gave present satisfaction in beaver skins : and also one run- 
let of aqua vitae, which was brought to me sixteen leagues 
unexpected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more 
provision was offered to me by many masters of ships, but I 
had no need thereof, so I gave them thanks for their kind- 
ness, and refused all. 

Nay, it is well known, that I was so far from doing wrong 
to any, that I suffered the land which was granted to me by 
patent, and made choice of before any other man came 
there, to be used, and my timber to be cut down and 
spoiled, without taking or asking any satisfaction for the 
same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gave 
authority, will sufficiently clear themse^es of all such im- 
putations. 

He said also he cared not for any authority in that place, 
and though he was forbid to truck, yet would he have all he 
could get : in despite of who should say to the contrary, 



Levettfs Voyage. 173 

having a great ship with seventeen pieces of ordnance and 
fifty men. 

And indeed his practice was according to his words, for 
every Sunday, or once in the week, he went himself or sent 
a boat up the river and got all the truck before they could 
come down to the harbor. And so many savages as he 
could get to his stage, he would enforce them to leave their 
goods behind them. One instance amongst many I will 
give you. 

On a certain day there came two savages to his place, 
who were under the command of Somerset or Conway, I 
know not whether, at which time they were both with me 
at my house, but the other two who went to him, knew not 
so much, but afterwards they understanding of it, came 
presently over, but left their coats and beaver skins behind 
them, whereat Somerset and Conway were exceeding angry ; 
and were ready to beat the poor fellows, but I would not suffer 
them so to do. They presently went over the harbor them- 
selves in their canoe to fetch their goods, but this man would 
let them have none, but wished them to truck with him ; they 
told him they would not, but would carry them to Captain 
Levett ; he said Levett was no captain, but a jacknape, a poor 
fellow, &c. They told him again that he was a rogue, with 
some other speeches, whereupon he and his company fell upon 
them and beat them both, in so much that they came to me in 
a great rage against him, and said they would be revenged on 
his fishermen at sea, and much ado I had to dissuade one 
of them from going into England to tell king James of it, as 
he said ; when they came to me in this rage, there was two 
or three masters of ships by, and heard every word. 

But all this did me no hurt, (save the loss of the truck, 
which by divers was thought to be worth above fifty pounds,) 
for the two sagamores whom he enticed from me and 
incensed against me, at length used means to be friends 
with me, sending one who asked me, if I were angry with 
them ; I told them no, I was not angry with them for any 
such matter as lousy coats and skins, but if they were matched 
that is, naughty men, and rebellious, then I would be 
mouchick hoggery, that is very angry, and would cram, that 
is kill them all. 

When they came themselves to me to seek peace, they 

vol. vin. 22 



174 Levetfs Voyage. 

brought me in a beaver coat, and two otter skins which they 
would have let me had for nothing, but I would not take 
them so, but gave them more than usually I did by way of 
truck. 1 then told them likewise that if at any time they did 
truck with me, they should have many good things in lieu 
of their beaver ; and if they did not truck it was no matter, 
I would be good friends with them, at which they smiled 
and talked one to the other, saying the other was a jacknape, 
and that I had the right fashion of the aberieney sagamores ; 
then they began to applaud or rather flatter me, saying I 
was so big a sagamore, yea four fathom, which were the 
best words they could use to express their minds : I replied 
that I was a poor man as he had reported of me. They 
said again it was no matter what 1 said, or that jacknape 
(which is the most disgraceful word that may be in their 
conceit,) for all the sagamores in the country loved poor 
Levett and was muchick sorry that he would be gone, and 
indeed I cannot tell what I should think of them, for ever 
after they would bring me content, as eggs and the whole 
bodies of beaver, which in my conceit eat like lamb, and is 
not inferior to it : yea the very coats of beaver and otter 
skins, from off their backs, which though I many times 
refused, yet not always, but I never took any such courtesy 
from them, but 1 requited them answerably, choosing rather 
to neglect the present profit, than the hopes I have to bring 
them to better things, which I hope will be for a public 
good, and which I am persuaded were a grievous sin, to 
neglect for any sinister end. 

And a little before my departure there came these saga- 
mores to see me : Sadamoyt the great sagamore of the east 
country, Manawormet, Opparunwit, Shedraguscett, Coga- 
wesco, Somerset, Conway and others. 

They asked me why 1 would be gone out of their coun- 
try ? I was glad to tell them my wife would not come thither 
except I did fetch her; they bid a pox on her hounds (a 
phrase they have learned and do use when they do curse) 
and wished me to beat her. I told them no, for then our 
God would be angry. Then they run out upon her in evil 
terms, and wished me to let her alone and take another ; I 
told them our God would be more angry for that. Again 
they bid me beat her, repeating it often, and very angerly, 



Levetfs Voyage. 175 

but I answered no, that was not the English fashion, and 
besides she was a good wife and I had children by her, and 
I loved her well, so I satisfied them. Then they told me that 
I and my wife and children, with all my friends should be 
heartily welcome into that country at any time, yea a hun- 
dredth thousand times, mouchicke, mouchicke, which is a 
word of weight 

And Somersett told that his son (who was born whilst I 
was in the country, and whom he would needs have to 
name) and mine should be brothers and that there should 
be mouchicke legamatch, (that is friendship) betwixt them, 
until Tanto carried them to his wigwam, (that is until they 
died.) 

Then they must know of me how long I would be want- 
ing. 1 told them so many months, at which they seemed to 
be well pleased, but wished me to take heed I proved not 
ohechaske in that (that is liar.) They asked me what I 
would do with my house ; I told them I would leave ten of 
my men there until I came again, and that they should kill 
all the Tarrentens they should see (being enemies to them) 
and with whom the English have no commerce. At which 
they rejoiced exceedingly, and then agreed amongst them- 
selves, that when the time should be expired, which I spoke 
of for my return, every one at that place where he lived 
should look to the sea, and when they did see a ship they 
would send to all the sagamores in the country, and tell 
them that poor Levett was come again, and thus instead of 
doing me hurt, I think that either he or I have done good 
to all planters, by winning their affections, (which may be 
made use of without trusting of them.) 

But if your Lordships should put up this WTong done unto 
you, and the authority which you gave them, never expect 
to be obeyed in those parts, either by planters or fishermen ; 
for some have not stuck to say, that if such a man, contemn- 
ing authority, and abusing one of the council, and drawing 
his knife upon him at his own house, which he did, should 
go unpunished, then would not they care what they did 
hereafter. 

And truly let me tell your Lordships, that if ever you 
intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt of author- 
ity, this man is a fit instrument to make a precedent of, for 



176 Levetfs Voyage, 

he is rich, and this year will gain the best part of five hun- 
dred pounds by that country, and he hath neither wife nor 
child, for whose sakes he should be spared. 

And if he go free, as he hath domineered over us, to 
whom your Lordships gave authority, but no power to put 
it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with your 
Lordships, as he hath already begun. 

And it will discourage men hereafter to take any authority 
upon them, or to go about to reform any abuses in those 
parts, and also it will hinder planters from going over, if fisher- 
men be suffered not only to take away their truck, but also 
to animate the savages against them, for this is the way to 
cause all planters to have their throats cut. 

But I leave these things to your Lordships' consideration, 
who have so w^ell power as authority to punish such rebel- 
lious persons. 

Thus having acquainted you w r ith what I have done, 
seen, and heard, now give me leave to tell you what I 
think of the savages, the inhabitants of that country : as also 
to justify the innocent, I mean the country of New England, 
against the slanderous reports of this man, and some others 
which I have heard, and likewise to deliver my opinion, 
what courses I conceive to be most convenient to be taken, 
for bringing most glory to God, comfort, honor and benefit 
to our king, and our own native nation. 



CHAPTER III. 



Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of 
their several Gods, Squanto and Tanto. 

I have had much conference with the savages, about our 
only true God, and have done my best to bring them to 
know and acknowledge him ; but I fear me all the labor 
that way will be lost, and no good will be done, except it 
be among the younger sort. 

I find they have two gods: one they love and the other 
they hate : the god they love, they call Squanto, and to him 
they ascribe all their good fortunes. 



Levettfs Voyage, 177 

The god they hate they call Tanto, and to him they as- 
cribe all their evil fortunes, as thus, when any is killed, hurt 
or sick, or when it is evil weather, then they say Tanto is 
hoggry, that is angry. When any dies, they say Tanto 
carries them to his ivigivam, that is his house, and they never 
see them more. 

I have asked them where Squanto dwells : they say they 
cannot tell ; but up on high, and will point upwards. And 
for Tanto, they say far west, but they know not where. 

I have asked them if at any time they have seen Squanto, 
or Tanto : they say no, there is none sees them but their 
pawwaws, nor they neither, but when they dream. 

Their pawwaws are their physicians and surgeons, and as 
I verily believe they are all witches, for they foretell of ill 
weather, and many strange things ; every sagamore hath 
one of them who belongs to his company, and they are alto- 
gether directed by them. 

On a time I was at a sagamore's house, and saw a martin's 
skin, and asked if he would truck it ; the sagamore told me 
no : the pawwaw used to lay that under his head when he 
dreamed, and if he wanted that, he could do nothing : thus 
we may perceive how the devil deludes those poor people, 
and keeps them in blindness. 

I find thern generally to be marvellous quick of apprehen- 
sion, and full of subtlety ; they will quickly find any man's 
disposition, and flatter and humor him strangely, if they 
hope to get anything of him ; and yet they will count him a 
fool if he do not shew a dislike of it, and will say one to 
another, that such a man is mechecome. 

They are slow of speech, and if they hear a man speak 
much they will laugh at him, and say he is mechecam, that 
is a fool. 

If men of place be too familiar with them, they will not 
respect them ; therefore it is to be wished that all such per- 
sons should be wise in their carriage. 

The sagamores will scarce speak to an ordinary man, but 
will point to their men, and say sanops must speak to sanops, 
and sagamores to sagamores. 

They are very bloody-minded and full of treachery amongst 
themselves ; one will kill another for their wives, and he that 
hath the most wives is the bravest fellow ; therefore I would 



178 Levetfs Voyage. 

wish no man to trust them, whatever they say or do ; but 
always to keep a strict hand over them, and yet to use them 
kindly, and deal uprightly with them ; so shall they please 
God, keep their reputation amongst them, and be free from 
danger. 

Their sagamores are no kings, as I verily believe, for 1 
can see no government or law amongst them but club law ; 
and they call all masters of ships sagamore, or any other 
man that they see have a command of men. 

Their wives are their slaves, and do all the work ; the 
men will do nothing but kill beasts, fish, &c. 

On a time reasoning with one of their sagamores, about 
their having so many wives, 1 told him it was no good fash- 
ion ; he then asked me how many wives king James had ; 1 
told him he never had but one, and she was dead, at which 
he wondered, and asked me who then did all the king's 
work. You may imagine he thought their fashion was uni- 
versal, and that no king had any to work for them but their 
wives. 

They have no apparel but skins, except they have it 
from the English or French ; in winter they wear the hair 
side inwards, in summer outwards. They have a piece of 
a skin about their loins like a girdle, and between their legs 
goes another, made fast to the girdle before and behind, 
which serves to cover their nakedness ; they are all thus 
apparelled, going bare-headed with long hair ; sometimes 
you shall not know the men from the women but by their 
breasts ; the men having no hair on their faces. 

When their children are born they bind them on a piece 
of board, and set it upright, either against a tree or any 
other place. They keep them thus bound until they be 
three months old ; and after, they are continually naked until 
they be about five or six years. 

Ye shall have them many times take their children and 
bury them in the snow T all but their faces for a time, to make 
them the better to endure cold ; and when they are above 
two years old, they will take them and cast them into the 
sea, like a little dog or cat, to learn them to swim. 

Their weapons are bows and arrows ; I never saw more 
than two fowling pieces, one pistol, about four half-pikes, 
and three cutlasses amongst them, so that we need not to 
fear them much, if we avoid their treachery. 



Levetfs Voyage. 179 

Their houses are built in half an hour's space, being only 
a few poles or boughs stuck in the ground and covered with 
the barks of trees. 

Their language differs as English and Welsh. On a time 
the governor was at my house, and brought with him a sav- 
age, who lived not above seventy miles from the place which 
I have made choice of, who talking with another savage, 
they were glad to use broken English to express their mind 
each to the other, not being able to understand one another 
in their language. 

And to say something of the country. I will not do 
therein as some have done to my knowledge, speak more 
than is true ; I will not tell you that you may smell the 
corn fields before you see the land ; neither must men think 
that corn doth grow naturally, (or on trees,) nor will the 
deer come when they are called, or stand still and look on a 
man until he shoot him, not knowing a man from a beast ; 
nor the fish leap into the kettle, nor on the dry land, neither 
are they so plentiful, that you may dip them up in baskets, 
nor take cod in nets to make a voyage, which is no truer 
than that the fowls will present themselves to you with spits 
through them. 

But certainly there is fowl, deer, and fish enough for the 
taking, if men be diligent ; there be also vines, plum trees, 
strawberries, gooseberries, and rasps, walnuts, chestnut, 
and small nuts, of each great plenty ; there is also great 
store of parsley, and divers other wholesome herbs, both for 
profit and pleasure, with great store of sassafras, sarsaparilla, 
and aniseeds. 

And for the ground there is a large and goodly marsh to 
make meadow, higher land for pasture and corn. 

There be these several sorts of earth, which I have seen, 
as clay, sand, gravel, yea, and as black fat earth, as ever I 
saw in England in all my life. 

There are likewise these helps for ground, as seasand, 
oreworth or wrack, marl, blue and white, and some men say 
there is lime ; but I must confess I never saw any limestone : 
but I have tried the shells of fish, and I find them to be good 
lime. 

Now let any husbandman tell me, whether there be any 
fear of having any kind of corn, having these several kinds 



180 LeveWs Voyage. 

of earth with these helps, the climate being full as good if 
not better than England. 

I dare be bold to say also, there may be ships as con- 
veniently there as in any place in the world, where 1 have 
been, and better cheap. As for plank, crooked timber, and 
all other sorts whatsoever can be desired for such purpose, 
the world cannot afford better. 

Masts and yards of all sizes, there be also trees growing, 
whereof pitch and tar is made. 

And for sails and all sorts of cordish you need not to 
want, if you but sow hemp and flaxseed, and after work it. 
Now there wants nothing but iron, and truly I think I have 
seen iron-stone there, but must acknowledge 1 have no great 
judgment in minerals, yet I have seen the iron- works in 
England, and this stone is like ours. But howsoever if the 
country will not afford iron, yet it may be easily brought, 
for it is good ballast for ships. 

There is also much excellent timber for joiners and coop- 
ers ; howsoever a worthy nobleman hath been abused, who 
sent over some to make pipe-staves ; who either for want of 
skill or industry, did no good. Yet I dare say no place in 
England can afford better timber for pipe-staves, than four 
several places which I have seen in that country. 

Thus have I related unto you what I have seen, and do 
know may be had in those parts of New England where 1 
have been, yet was I never at the Mesachusett, which is 
counted the paradise of New England, nor at Cape Ann, 
but I fear there hath been too fair a gloss set on Cape Ann. 
I am told there is a good harbor which makes a fair invita- 
tion, but when they are in, their entertainment is not answer- 
able, for there is little good ground, and the ships which 
fished there this year, their boats went twenty miles to take 
their fish, and yet they were in great fear of making their 
voyages, as one of the masters confessed unto me who was 
at my house. 

Neither was I at New Plymouth, but I fear that place is 
not so good as many others, for if it were, in my conceit, they 
would content themselves with it and not seek for any other, 
having ten times so much ground as would serve ten times 
so many people as they have now amongst them. But it 
seems they have no fish to make benefit of, for this year 



Levettfs Voyage. 181 

they had one ship fish at Pemoquid, and another at Cape 
Ann, where they have begun a new plantation, but how long 
it will continue I know not. 

Neither was 1 ever farther to the west than the Isle of 
Shoals. 

Thus have I done with my commendations of the coun- 
try ; I will now speak the worst I know by it. 

About the middle of May you shall have little flies, called 
mosquitoes, which are like gnats ; they continue, as I am told, 
until the last of July. These are very troublesome for the 
time, for they sting exceedingly both by night and day. 
But I found by experience that boots or thick stockings 
would save the legs, gloves the hands, and tiffany or some 
such things which will, not much hinder the sight, will save 
the face, and at night any smoke will secure a man. 

The reason of the abundance of these creatures, I take to 
be the woods which hinders the air, for I have observed 
always when the wind did blow but a little, we were not 
much troubled with them. 

And I verily think that if there were a good number of 
people planted together, and that the woods were cut down, 
the earth were tilled, and the rubbish wdiich lieth on the 
ground wherein they breed were burnt, and that there were 
many chimneys smoking, such small creatures would do but 
little hurt. 

Another evil or inconvenience I see there, the snow in 
winter did lie very long upon the ground. 

But I understand that all the parts of Christendom were 
troubled with a cold winter as well as we. Yet would I 
ask any man what hurt snow doeth ? The husbandman 
will say that corn is the better for it. And I hope cattle 
may be as well fed in the house there as in England, Scot- 
land, and other countries, and he is but an ill husband that 
cannot find employments for his servants within doors for 
that time. As for wives and children if they be wise they 
will keep themselves close by a good fire, and for men they 
will have no occasion to ride to fairs or markets, sizes or 
sessions, only hawks and hounds will not then be useful. 

Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas before 
there be any winter there, so that the cold time doth not 
continue long. 

VOL. VIIL 23 



182 LeveWs Voyage. 

And by all reason that country should be hotter than 
England, being many degrees farther from the north pole. 

And thus according to my poor understanding I have 
given you the best information I can of the people and coun- 
try, commodities and discommodities. Now give me leav3 
to oppose myself against the man beforementioned, and 
others, who speaks against the country, and plantations in 
those parts, and to set down such objections as I have heard 
them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisdom 
judge : for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the 
right horse, and the ass may be rid, and the knave punished 
either for discouraging or encouraging too much, whosoever 
he be. 



CHAPTER V. 



Certain Objections and Answers, with sufficient Proofs how 
it may be exceeding profitable to the Commonwealth, and 
all Planters and Adventurers. 

They say the country is good for nothing but to starve so 
many people as comes in it. 

It is granted that some have been starved to death, and 
others have hardly escaped, but where was the fault, in the 
country or in themselves. That the country is as I have 
said, I can bring one hundred men to justify it ; but if men 
be neither industrious nor provident, they may starve in the 
best place of the world. 

About two years since one Mr. Weston sent over about 
fifty persons to plant, with little provision ; when they came 
there, they neither applied themselves to planting of corn 
nor taking of fish, more than for their present use, but went 
about to build castles in the air, and making of forts, neglect- 
ing the plentiful time of fishing. When winter came their 
forts would not keep out hunger, and they having no pro- 
vision beforehand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill 
deer and fowl, many were starved to death, and the rest hardly 
escaped. There are four of his men which escaped, now at 
my plantation, who have related unto me the whole business. 



Levetfs Voyage. 183 

Again, this last year there went over divers at one time, 
and to one place, with too little provision ; some of them are 
dead, yet I cannot hear of any that were merely starved, 
except one whose name was Chapman, a Londoner, and 
whether he was starved or no is uncertain ; but if he were, 
God's just judgment did appear. 

For this man (as I am told by an honest man who came 
from London with him) brought at the least eighty pounds' 
worth of provision, and no more but himself and two ser- 
vants, which was sufficient for at the least eighteen months, 
if it had been well used. And yet in five months after his 
arrival in New England he died miserably. 

Let me tell you a strange thing of this man ; (I have it but 
by relation from one of his companions) he payed for his 
passage, and his mens', and provision, so that he needed 
not to have spent any thing until his arrival in New England, 
yet would he at Plymouth, (where the ship stayed too long 
for him and others,) spent seven or eight pound a week in 
wine, tobacco, and whores, and for the maintaining of this 
expense he daily fetched his provision from aboard, and sold 
it at a low rate. And when they were at sea, his tobacco 
being spent, he gave usually sixpence for a pipe ; he gave 
also a suit of clothes, valued to be worth fifty shillings, for 
so much tobacco as was not worth half a crown. Nay, at 
last, as his comrade told me, he was glad to become servant 
to one of his servants. Then his master told him, that if he 
would work he would allow him one biscuit cake a day, if 
not he should have but half a cake. He made choice of 
half a cake, without work ; and so a base, lazy fellow, made 
a lamentable end. Where was the fault now, in the men or 
in the country ? 

Another objection which I have met with, is this : That 
there is nothing got or saved by sending men over to plant ; 
neither is it beneficial either to private men, either adventurer 
or planter, or good for the commmonwealth. 

In answer hereunto, first for matter of profit, it is well 
known to all the merchants of the west country, who have 
left almost all other trade but this, and yet is grown rich 
thereby. 

Secondly, for the commonwealth consider these things : 
I. The great complaint that hath for so long time been 



184 Levetfs Voyage. 

made in England, that our land is overburthened with peo- 
ple, and that there is no employment for our men, so that it 
is likely they must either starve, steal, or prove mutinous, 
and whether plantations be a means to help this inconven- 
ience or no, I desire to know ? 

It hath been likewise said unto me, that it benefits the 
commonwealth nothing at all to send men over with provi- 
sion of clothes, victuals, and continual supplies. 

To that I say, let such men, as you send thither to plant, 
have provision as Chapman had for eighteen months, and if 
after, they cannot live of themselves, and be beneficial either 
to the commonwealth or to themselves, let them die Chap- 
man's death. 

Again plantations may be beneficial to the commonwealth, 
by the enlargement of his majesty's dominions. 

Again by the increase of shipping, (which is the strength 
of a nation,) and that without wasting of our timber, which 
is a commodity that I fear England will find the want of 
before many years pass over ; for if timber go to decay as 
now it doth, we shall scarce have any to build, or repair 
ships or houses. Again, tell me whether it would be benefi- 
cial to the commonwealth to have all our idle persons kept 
to work, and our populous nation disburthened, and yet to 
have them ready to serve our king and country upon all 
occasions 1 

Lastly, tell me whether it would be beneficial to the 
commonwealth to have all poor people maintained out of 
those arts. And every parish freed from their weekly pay- 
ments to the poor, which if I do not make to appear, then 
let me be accounted an unworthy fellow. But first let me 
set down another objection, which seems to be of great 
force, and yet in my conceit is like the rest, shallow, and 
that is this. 

If, say they, there be so many plantations, there will be no 
room in the country for such ships as do come yearly to 
make voyages, and by this means ships shall lie still and 
decay, mariners and fishermen shall want employment, and 
so all will be out of frame if ever we shall have wars. And 
therefore, howsoever it may be beneficial to some few per- 
sons, yet it will be hurtful to the commonwealth. 

I answer, that if these things were thoroughly examined 



Levetfs Voyage. 185 

by his majesty, the parliament, or council-table, it would 
plainly appear, that the most of them which keep such ado 
against plantations, are the greatest enemies to the public 
good, and that their shew of care for the commonwealth is 
nothing but a color, for the more clearly concealing of their 
unknown profits. It will also appear, that plantations are 
for the public good, and by that means there shall be more 
and better cheap ships built and employed, more mariners 
and fishermen kept to work than now there are, and more 
people partakers of the benefits than now there doth. 

Which I prove thus : first, there may be timber had to 
build ships, and ground for corn and keeping of cattle, and 
all for little or nothing. 

Secondly, there may be more men trained up in 
fishing than now there is, whose trade is decayed in 
England, and they ready to starve for want of employments. 

Thirdly, there may be twice so much fish taken every 
year as now there is. For ships that go to make voyages, 
seldom or never keep their boats at sea above two months or 
ten weeks, for making their voyage, and I dare maintain 
that there is fish enough to be taken, seven months in the 
year, if men be there ready to take opportunities. 

Fourthly, the more fish that is taken, the more ships there 
must be for the transportation of it. 

Fifthly, whereas now none doth take the benefit, but a 
few merchants ; not all the merchants in the land, no not 
one of a thousand. 

By plantations, not only all the merchants in the land, 
but all the people in the land may partake thereof. 

And now to shew you how the profit may arise. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Sheweth hoiv by adventuring of a hundred pounds, more or 
less, a man may profit so much every year, for twenty years 
or longer, without any more charge than at the first. 

1 must confess I have studied no other art a long time but 
the mysteries of New England's trade, and I hope at last, 1 



186 Levetfs Voyage. 

have attained to the understanding of the secrets of it, which 
I think the fishermen are sorry for ; but it shall be no longer 
concealed, for that I think every good subject is bound to 
prefer the public before his own private good. 

First, therefore, I will shew you the charge which every 
merchant is at yearly, in sending their ships to fish 
there, and so near as I can the profit they make of 
such voyages. Then we will see the charge which planters 
must be at, in sending men over to stay there, and the profit 
they are likely to make, and so by comparing the one with 
the other, we shall see which is the better and more profita- 
ble course. 

A ship of two hundred ton, commonly doth carry in those 
voyages fifty men ; these men are at no charge, but twenty 
shillings a man towards their victuals, neither have they any 
wages ; but in lieu thereof, they have one third part of all 
the fish and train. 

Another third part is allowed the owners of the ship for 
their fraught, and the other third part is allowed for the 
victual, salt, nets, hooks, lines and other implements for 
taking and making the fish. 

The charge of victualling (which is usually for nine 
months,) the salt, &c, doth commonly amount to about 
eight hundred pounds ; and for that they have (as I said 
one third part of the fish,) which is near sixty-seven ton, 
the ship being laden, which will make thirteen hundred and 
forty quintals, (at the market). Sometimes when they come 
to a good market they sell their fish for forty-four rials a quin- 
tal, and so to thirty-six rials, which is the least, but say 
they have forty, one time with another, and at that rate one 
third of the ships lading, doth yield thirteen hundred and 
forty pounds, which they have for disbursing of eight 
hundred pounds nine months. 

Now take notice that they are but eight or ten weeks in 
taking all their fish, and about one month longer in making 
it fit to be shipped. 

Which being considered, then say that such men as are 
sent over to plant, have twelve months provision, which will 
amount to one thousand and sixty-six pounds, thirteen shil- 
lings, four pence; these men stay in the country, and do 
take the benefit both of the first and last fishing season, and 



Levetfs Voyage. 187 

all other opportunities, the fishing, continuing good, at the 
least seven months in the year, though not all at one time : 
now I hope you will grant that they are as likely to take 
two ships lading as the other one, which if they do, one 
third thereof at the same rate, will amount to two thousand 
six hundred and eighty pounds, the charge you are at being- 
deducted, the profit is one thousand and nineteen pounds, 
six shillings, eight pence. Now tell me seriously, which is 
the more profitable course ? 

Again consider, that in all likelihood this fish is to be 
taken in five months, then have you seven months more to 
employ your men in the country every year, about building 
of ships, cleaving of pipe-staves, or any other thing, and 
will that be worth nothing ? 

Truly this I will say, send men over but with eighteen 
months' provision, and cattle, and corn to plant, and other 
necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much profit 
yearly, without ever putting you to more charge, if God bless 
them with health, and you, from losses, (and I never heard 
of any great loss by adventuring thither) and that you be 
fitted with good and understanding men to oversee the 
business, who is able to direct them. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Showeth hoiv every Parish may be freed of their weekly pay- 
ments to the Poor, by the Profits which may be fetched 
thence. With certain Objections against the things con- 
tained in this and the former Chapter : with Answers 
thereunto. 

And thus have I shewed you what hopes there is of profit 
by plantations, yet have I shewed you no other means to 
raise it, but by fish and timber. I would not have you say 
there is nothing else in the country to make any benefit of; 
for I assure you it is well known to myself, and others who 
have been there, that there are divers other good things 
there to be had ; but I do not love to speak of all at one 
time, but to reserve some to stop the mouths of such prating 



188 Levettfs Voyage. 

coxcombs as will never be satisfied with any reason, but 
will always cavil, though to little purpose. 

And methinks I hear some such people buzzing in some 
other objections, and bidding me stay, and not fish before 
the net, for there are many lets, as these. There are many 
ships go, that make not so good voyages as I speak of; for 
they are so long beaten in their passage, or on the coast, 
that the best of the fishing is past before they be there. 

To that I answer, I speak not what every ship doth, but 
what some do, and all others may do, if they be in the coun- 
try to take all opportunities. 

2. Object. That it is not possible to make plantations so 
public a business, as that it should redound to the benefit of 
all the king's subjects. And again that there will never be 
so much money raised as to establish such plantations, for 
that most men of this age respects their own profit one hun- 
dred times more then the public good ; and their hearts are 
so glued to the world, that they shall as soon hang them as 
draw anything from them, though it be never so charitable 
a use. And if it should be by way of commandment, it 
would be a grievance not to be endured. 

But I would ask such men whether they be so void of 
charity, as that they will not do themselves good, because 
some others shall have some by it also ? And whether they 
will be grieved at a man for showing of them how, by the 
disbursing of twenty shillings, they shall have twenty shil- 
lings a year, for seven, ten or twenty years, and perhaps for 
ever. 

My desire is not that any should be compelled, only this 
I could wish that every parish would adventure so much as 
they pay weekly to the relief of the poor (which is no great 
matter) and so every shire by itself, would send over men 
to plant. And if after eighteen months they shall not yearly 
return so much profits continually as will keep their poor, 
and ease their purses (provided always, as I said before, that 
they send such men as are fit, and that the justices of every 
shire be careful to appoint such a man to be their captain 
and director as is honest, and of good understanding, and 
that God bless them from losses,) will I be contented to 
suffer death. 

And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God, that 



Levetfs Voyage. 189 

once in seven years a ship should be cast away (which is 
more than hath been usual, for I dare say, that for every ship 
that is cast away in those voyages, there is one hundred 
which cometh safe) yet it is but that year's profit lost, and 
perhaps not half. 

Another objection may be this, that all men are not fisher- 
men, and that it is not so easy a thing to take fish, as I 
make it. 

To that I answer, that take a survey of all the men that 
goeth in these voyages, and there shall not be found one 
third of them that are merely fishermen, and no other trades. 

Nay I know many ship-companies that have amongst 
them, house carpenters, masons, smiths, tailors, shoemakers, 
and such like, and indeed it is most fit that they should be 
such : and I saw by experience, that divers who were never 
at sea before this year, proved very good fishermen ; but I 
could wish that ever a fifth part of a company be fishermen, 
and the rest will quickly be trained up, and made skilful. 

I would to God that some one shire, or more would begin 
this godly and profitable course. For certainly, God hath 
created all for the use of man, and nothing hath he created 
in vain. 

And if we will endure poverty in England wilfully, and 
suffer so good a country as this is to lie waste, I am per- 
suaded we are guilty of a grievous sin against God, and 
shall never be able to answer it. 

I could also wish, that the lords both spiritual and tem- 
poral, the knights and others to whom God hath given 
abundance of these outward things, would (for the honor of 
God, the comfort of the poor of our land) join together, and 
by a voluntary contribution raise a sum of money, and 
employ it this way ; and that the profits might go to the 
maintaining of poor children, and training them up in this 
course, by which they may be kept from begging and 
stealing. 



vol. viii. 24 



190 Levetfs Voyage. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Contains certain Directions for all private Persons that 
intend to go into Neiv England to plant 

Next unto this I could wish, that every private man that 
hath a desire this way, would consider these things which I 
will here set down before he go too far, least he deprive 
himself of the profit I have shewed may be had, and be one 
of those that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery 
upon himself, and scandalize the country, as others have 
done. 

1. That it is a country, where none can live except he 
either labor himself, or be able to keep others to labor for 
him. 

2. If a man have a wife and many small children, not to 
come there, except for every three loiterers, he have one 
worker ; which if he have, he may make a shift to live, and 
not starve. 

3. If a man have but as many good laborers as loiterers, 
he shall live much better there than in any place 1 know. 

4. If all be laborers, and no children, then let him not 
fear, but to do more good there in seven years than in 
England in twenty. 

5. Let no man go without eighteen months provision, so 
shall he take the benefit of two seasons before his provision 
be spent. 

6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you will find 
that very comfortable, profitable and secure. 



FINIS. 



Remarks on the Early Laws of Massachusetts Bay ; with the 
Code adopted in 1641, and called The Body of Liber- 
ties, now first printed. By F. C. Gray, LL. D., 
A. A. S., S. H. S. 



The true history and real character of the early laws of 
Massachusetts have been very much misunderstood. They 
are in fact highly honorable to our ancestors, and evince not 
only their acknowledged love of liberty, but a degree of 
practical good sense in legislation, and a liberality of senti- 
ment far greater, than have usually been ascribed to them ; 
for it has been generally asserted and believed, that their first 
Code of Laws was deduced almost literally from the Books 
of Moses. This belief has given rise to no little ridicule, 
and however creditable to their piety it may have seemed to 
some in former times, it has certainly not tended to give the 
world in general, at the present day, a very exalted idea of 
their legislative wisdom. As it is extremely erroneous, it is 
quite time, that it should be accounted for and corrected. 

The early existence and long continuance of this error is 
by no means surprising. In the year 1641 there was pub- 
lished in London a pamphlet entitled : "An Abstract of the 
Laws of New England as they are now established. 
Printed in London 1641." It consists of Ten Chapters, 
and its provisions are chiefly taken from the Old Testament, 
and are for the most part accompanied by references to the 
chapter and verse, on which they are severally founded. 



192 Early Laws of Massachusetts, 

Fourteen years afterwards the same work, but in a some- 
what more complete form, and citing at length the passages 
of scripture referred to, was published under the following 
title: "An Abstract of Laws and Government, wherein as 
in a mirror may be seen the wisdom and perfection of the 
government of Christ's Kingdom, accommodable to any 
State or form of government in the world, that is not anti- 
christian or tyrannical. Collected and digested into the 
ensuing method by that godly, grave and judicious divine 
Mr. John Cotton of Boston in New England in his lifetime, 
and presented to the General Court of Massachusetts. And 
now published after his death, by William Aspinwall. Isa. 
33. 22. Jehovah is our Judge, Jehovah is our Lawgiver, 
Jehovah is our King, he will save us. London, 1655." 

In the preface, Aspinwall, the editor, states, that this Ab- 
stract was collected out of the scriptures by Mr. John Cotton, 
accommodated to the Colony of Massachusetts in New 
England, and commended to the General Court there ; and 
intimates, that it would have been better for them, if they 
had then had the heart to receive it. In another part of the 
Preface, he says of it, " that being with all sweetness and 
amiableness of spirit tendered, but not accepted, he [Cotton] 
surceased to press it any further at that season." 

The Collection of Documents published by Governor 
Hutchinson in 1769, as an Appendix to his History, contains 
the same work with a few very slight variations, under the 
name of " Abstract of the Laws of New England." Gov- 
ernor Hutchinson in a note mentions the edition of 1655, 
and refers not only to that edition, but also to a Manuscript 
Life of Cotton by Davenport to show, that Cotton drew r up 
this Abstract. He adds, that it ought rather to be called a 
Code of Laws prepared for Massachusetts Bay; "for 
although when they compiled their Laws, they made this 
abstract their plan in general, yet they departed from it in 
many instances, and in some, which were very material." * 

From Governor Winthrop's Journal, first printed in 1790, 
it appears, under date of October 1636, that "Mr. Cotton 
did this court, present a model of Moses his Judicials, com- 
piled in an exact method, which were taken into further 

* Hutchinson's Collections, p. 161. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts, 193 

consideration till the next General Court." * In the same 
Journal, under date of December, 1641, is the following 
passage. " This session continued three weeks, and estab- 
lished one hundred Laws, which were called the Body of 
Liberties. They had been composed by Mr. Nathaniel 
Ward sometime Pastor of the Church of Ipswich : he had 
been a minister in England, and formerly a student and 
practiser in the course of the common law." f 

In the fifth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, A. D. 1798, the edition of this Abstract 
of 1641 is reprinted, and after it, the Preface prefixed by 
Aspinwall to the edition of 1655. J This reprint is accom- 
panied by the conjecture, that Sir Henry Vane wrote the 
work, or at least assisted Cotton in it, a conjecture resting 
only on the ground, that he was here in 1636, intimate with 
Cotton, and of the same political and religious sentiments. 

In Savage's Edition of Winthrop's Journal, we find the 
following note of the learned Editor on the appointment of a 
Committee in 1639 to prepare a Code of Laws. "In De- 
cember, 1641, the labors of these Legislators were perfected, 
as this history will shew. The result was printed in London 
immediately after. An Abstract may be found by the curi- 
ous 1 Hist. Coll. v. 171 —192, with an account of a second 
edition by Aspinwall. We may be sure, that Winthrop 
could not be mistaken in ascribing to Ward the principal 
honor of the work, though Cotton has often enjoyed it. 
Perhaps any one of twenty in the civil or clerical line, had 
contributed as much as Cotton, though his name would 
carry the greatest weigh t."§ 

In balancing these authorities, the chief weight must be 
given to those of Winthrop and 1 of Aspinwall, not only as 
contemporaries, but because they had such means of infor- 
mation, that it is hardly possible they should be mistaken., 
Governor Winthrop's position is well known. William As- 
pinwall was among the eminent men of the Colony in that 
day. He came out with Winthrop and was deacon of the 
Church in Boston, under the pastoral care of Wilson and 
Cotton from its foundation, till the two colleagues differing 
in the Antinomian controversy, he joined with Cotton and 

* 1 Wint. J. p. 202. t 2 Wint. J. 55. \ 1 Hist. Col. v. 17J. § I Wint. J. 322. 



194 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

went so far beyond him, that in the year 1637, he was dis- 
franchised and expelled from the General Court, of which he 
had been chosen a member for Boston. He then went, 
with the rest of Mrs. Hutchinson's most zealous adherents, 
to Providence; but returned to Boston in 1642, and was, 
on submission, reconciled both to the Church and to the Gov- 
ernment. At the time of his publishing the Abstract, he 
seems to have been in England. 

Now AspinwalPs statement, that it was drawn up by Cot- 
ton, and was not accepted by the General Court coincides 
perfectly with what we are told by Winthrop ; that Cotton 
made and presented a model, but that the code actually 
adopted and called the Body of Liberties was composed by 
Ward. The only contemporaneous evidence, that this Ab- 
stract or anything like it, was ever in fact established, is the 
mere title of the London edition of 1641. But we know 
not by whom this title was prefixed to it. Probably by the 
publisher there. Certainly not by any person in New 
England, since no one here could be ignorant, that there 
were no laws common to all New England, but that each of 
the Colonies then existing in it was entirely independent 
of the others and unconnected with them ; and no one resid- 
ing here or well acquainted with our condition could have 
given to the Laws of Massachusetts Bay the title of the Laws 
of New England. The Abstract may have found its way to 
England at any time after 1636, and when it was learned 
there in 1641, that a Code of Laws had been adopted in 
New England, this title may not unnaturally have been put 
before it. However this may be, it was certainly put there 
by one unacquainted with our condition, and is therefore of 
no weight against the concurrent and positive testimony of 
Winthrop and Aspinwall. It should be observed, that it 
does not purport to be a copy of the Laws, but only an Ab- 
stract of them. 

Governor Hutchinson's opinion, that this Abstract, though 
differing in some instances very materially from the laws 
first established, was yet the general plan or basis of them, 
is also untenable. For in his own collection, only seven- 
teen pages after this, is printed the Declaration of the Gen- 
eral Court holden at Boston November 4th, 1646, concern- 
ing the Remonstrance of Dr. Child and others, which 



Early Laws of Massachusetts, 195 

Declaration contains a parallel between the provisions of 
Magna Chartaand other laws of England, on the one hand, 
and the " Fundamentals of Massachusetts," oh the other.* 
In this they set forth forty-four fundamental propositions, 
annexing to each the authorities for it. Six times they re- 
fer for authority to their Charter, — seven times to Custom, 
— eight times to laws of specified dates, — once to the 
Bible, — and twenty-seven times to the "Liberties," citing 
each by its appropriate number. Now the provisions thus 
cited by them from the Body of Liberties, as their funda- 
mental laws, are not to be found, in form or in substance, in 
this Abstract. How can this then have been the basis of 
their Code ? 

As to the conjecture, that Vane had a hand in drawing it 
up, this seems purely gratuitous ; for Cotton was perfectly 
competent to it, and the work contains nothing that might 
not just as naturally fall from his pen as from that of Vane, 
or that can lead us to distrust in the least the contempo- 
raneous authorities on this point, which all concur in ascrib- 
ing it to Cotton and to him alone. 

Being long since satisfied, for the reasons above stated, 
that the Abstract so repeatedly printed was not the Code 
established in 1641, nor the substance of it, I carefully ex- 
amined the ancient records of the Colony, and soon ascer- 
tained, that this Code had not been printed, and that no 
copy of it existed among those Records. The researches, 
in which J was then engaged, led me next to seek for the 
first printed edition of the Laws, published in 1649 ; but I 
have never been able to find it. During this pursuit, how- 
ever, it so chanced, that one day, more than twenty years 
ago, I took up from a corner in the old Athenaeum, a folio 
volume containing the Colony Laws, as published in 1672; 
an edition not of any great rarity. But bound up with it 
was a manuscript of about sixty pages in the hand-writing 
of that day, which is not easily read. This volume appear- 
ed to have belonged to Elisha Hutchinson, who was the 
grandfather of Governor Hutchinson, and who died in 1717 
at the age of 77. On examining the manuscript carefully, 
I found it to contain a copy of the Colonial Charter of 1629, 

" Hutch. Col. 196. 



196 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

together with ten other valuable documents relating to our 
early history, one of which was " A Coppie of the Liber- 
ties of the Massachusetts Colony in New Eng- 
land." 

Its genuineness was soon placed beyond question. All 
the documents accompanying it are undoubtedly genuine, 
and may now be found printed, with one exception, at 
full length, in our collections of public documents. It is 
divided into one hundred distinct articles, separated from 
each other by strong black lines ; and although the intro- 
ductory and concluding paragraphs are not numbered as 
laws, so that the highest number is ninety-eight, whereas 
Winthrop says the Body of Liberties contained a hundred 
laws, yet this is but an instance of that substantial agree- 
ment with circumstantial variation, which is one of the 
strongest evidences of truth. On comparing these numbers 
with the citations from the Liberties made in support of the 
fundamental laws by the General Court in 1646, it was 
found that they agree, and that the articles in this manu- 
script are numbered in the same manner as in the official 
copy then used by them. These liberties too are, almost 
without exception, incorporated, and often in the same 
words, into the printed Laws of the Colony, which are en- 
titled "Laws and Liberties." Three complete editions of 
these were published by authority, viz. in 1649, in 1660 
and in 1672. In these the laws were not inserted in the 
order of their dates, as in modern times ; but all existing 
provisions of law were consolidated, and classed under ap- 
propriate titles, arranged in alphabetical order. So that the 
complete codification of the Statute Law is no new thing 
under the sun, but was practised by the Colonists of Mas- 
sachusetts from the beginning. In this manuscript we find 
in the margin, opposite most of the Liberties, the number 
of a page and sometimes of a section. These are refer- 
ences to the page and section of the edition of 1672, where 
the same provision may be found. 

This then is beyond all doubt the Body of Liberties com- 
posed by Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, author of the Simple 
Cobbler of Agawam, and adopted by the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts in 1641 ; the first Code of Laws established in 
New England. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 197 

On comparing it with the Abstract drawn up by Cotton in 
1636, it will be seen that it bears no resemblance to it either 
in form or in substance, excepting, that in the Article enti- 
tled Capital Laws, each clause is supported by texts from 
the Old Testament. Many of the Puritans of that day hesi- 
tated to inflict capital punishment without warrant of scrip- 
ture ; and accordingly even the crime of rape was not made 
capital till the next year, 1642.* But as to all other offences, 
which they thought worthy of death, there was no difficulty 
in finding authority in the Pentateuch for its infliction, and 
these texts were cited to satisfy all scruples. 

But while the Body of Liberties made no crime capital, 
which was not so by the Law of Moses, it did not go the 
length of the Abstract, and inflict the punishment of death in 
every case where it was inflicted by that Law ; as for Heresy, 
profaning the Lord's day, and reviling of Magistrates, for 
which last the notable case of Shimei, in the second Chapter 
of the first Book of Kings, is quoted as authority. Neither 
does the Book of Liberties cite scripture except in relation 
to punishments, whereas in the Abstract such citation is 
carried to an almost ludicrous extent. As where it is pro- 
vided, that the Governor and in his absence the Deputy 
Governor shall have power to send out warrants for calling 
of the General Court, and authority for this provision is 
gravely cited from Joshua xxiv. 1. And Joshua gathered all 
the tribes of Israel to Shechem" &c. And again " Every 
Court shall have certain officers, as a Secretary to enroll all 
the acts of the Court. 1 Kings, iv. 3. Elihoreph and Ahiah 
the sons of Shisha scribes ; Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud 
recorder." 

These examples are sufficient to show the character of 
the Abstract drawn up by John Cotton. But the smile, 
they may excite, should not diminish our veneration for that 
eminent and holy man, and those who concurred with him 

* The provisions of the Abstract on this subject strikingly exhibit the manner, in 

I which those good men found all things in the .scripture This crime committed 

against a woman married or espoused was considered as adultery or quasi adultery, 

and as such, was a capita] offence. But committed against a maiden not contracted, 

it was not to be punished with death, but 1. With fine or penalty to the father of 

the maid. 2. With marriage of the maid, if she and her father consent. 3. With 

( corporal punishment of stripes, " for this wrong is a real slander." For the whim- 

! sical ground of this last whimsical position (deemed necessary in order to justify 

I the punishment of stripes in this case) I must refer to the original. 

vol. viii. 25 



198 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

in this matter. Our ancestors were of the strictest sect of 
the Puritans. Their zeal for their peculiar tenets and forms, 
animated by controversy, and exasperated by cruel persecu- 
tions, had driven them from the comforts of the civilized 
world into the wilderness, and it is not surprising, that it 
should have almost eaten them up. Their sufferings under 
the Hierarchy of England might naturally lead them to 
renounce all authority, but that of the scriptures, and to 
seek in them the only rules of civil government, as well as 
of moral and religious duty. No wonder, that the profes- 
sional champions of those tenets and forms should possess 
very great authority; and that possessing it, they should not 
refrain from its exercise, or from seeking to extend it, by 
providing, that the scriptures, of which they were themselves 
the chief interpreters, should be the only Law of the Land. 
If the love of power inherent in our nature had its influence 
on them in this, they were no doubt entirely unconscious of 
it, and acted from the sincere conviction, that the scheme 
they proposed was the most conducive to the honor of God 
ad to the welfare of Men. It must be admitted also, that 
the scriptures were not unfrequently appealed to by the 
Legislature itself in a manner, which at the present day 
would be deemed altogether extravagant ; and hence no 
doubt the erroneous opinion here traced to its origin, has 
found more ready credence. 

John Eliot, the devoted Apostle to the Indians, also pre- 
pared a frame of government, deduced entirely from the 
Scriptures, for the benefit of his Indian converts, and set it 
up among them.* This bears not the slightest resemblance 
to the Abstract drawn by Cotton from the same source ; but 
it was regarded by its Author as the only fit model for the 
government of any community of Christians; and was pub- 
lished in London in 1654, with a Preface by him recom- 
mending it to the adoplion of the People of England, under 
the title of the Christian Commonwealth. After the resto- 
ration of Charles II., the Legislature of Massachusetts, sus- 
pected and frowned on, by the English Government, deemed 
it expedient to order, that this work should be totally sup- 
pressed, and required an acknowledgment from Eliot, in 

» III. Hist. Coll. iv. 271. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 199 

which he admits the government of England by King, Lords 
and Commons, to be lawful. No printed copy of the work 
now exists in any of our Libraries here. But in that of the 
Historical Society there is a transcript of it. 

But though Eliot did set up his scheme among the 
Indians, the idea hitherto prevalent that Cotton's Abstract 
was adopted by the Colonists does them great injustice. 
The Body of Liberties really established by them, exhibits 
throughout the hand of the practised lawyer, familiar with 
the principles and the securities of English Liberty ; and 
although it retains some strong traces of the times, is in the 
main, far in advance of them, and in several respects in ad- 
vance of the Common Law of England at this day.* It 
shows that our Ancestors, instead of deducing all their laws 
from the Books of Moses, established at the outset a code of 
fundamental principles, which, taken as a whole, for wisdom, 
equity, adaptation to the wants of their community, and a lib- 
erality of sentiment superior to the age in which it was writ- 
ten, may fearlessly challenge a comparison with any similar 
production, from Magna Charta itself to the latest Bill of 
Rights, that has been put forth in Europe or America. 

Those familiar with the Administration of the Laws in 
Massachusetts will here find, as in Liberty 14, and others, 
that some established practices which have been heretofore 
supposed to rest only on ancient custom, are in reality 
founded on express provisions of this venerable Code. 

It may be useful to those engaged in such researches, and 
not uninteresting to others, as throwing light on the charac- 
ter of the colonists, to trace the history of our Colonial Code 
from the Charter to the edition of 1660, the earliest, of 
which any copy is now known to be extant. The Govern- 
or and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England 
were incorporated, like the African, East India and other 



* Witness the 80th Liberty, providing that no man shall strike his wife ; whereas 
the Common Law of England authorizes the infliction of chastisement on a wife, 
with a reasonable instrument. There is an anecdote, that Judge Buller, charging 
the Jury in such a case, said to them : " Without undertaking to define exactly 
what a reasonable instrument is, I hold, gentlemen of the jury, that a stick no big- 
ger than my thumb comes clearly within that description ; " and that a Committee 
of Ladies waited on him the next day, to beg that they might be favored with the 
exact dimensions of his Lordship's thumb. 

See also Liberties 8, 9, 10, 11, 25, and several others, for provisions in advance of 
the age. 



200 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

old English companies, for the purpose of carrying on trade, 
as well as of establishing a Plantation or Colony ; and in 
the outset, held, like them, all their meetings in London. 
The Charter, dated March 4th, 1629, provided that the 
freemen or members of the company should choose from 
their own number a Governor, Deputy Governor and eigh- 
teen Assistants, who should hold, monthly, or oftener if they 
saw fit, a meeting called the Court of Assistants, " to 
take care for the best disposing and ordering of the general 
affairs of the Colony and the plantation thereof, and the 
government of the people there," — " and for the handling, 
ordering and dispatching of all such business and occurrents 
as shall from time to time happen touching or concerning 
the said Company or plantation." 

Four times a year a great and solemn Assembly of the 
Governor, Deputy Governor, and such Assistants and Free- 
men, as should choose to attend, was to be holden, called 
the Great and General Court of the Company, the Gov- 
ernor or Deputy Governor and seven Assistants being ne- 
cessary to form a quorum, at which Court they might choose 
other persons to be free of said Company ; — constitute and 
appoint such officers as they should see fit ; — and make 
laws and ordinances, not repugnant to the Laws of Eng- 
land, for the welfare of the Company, and for the govern- 
ment of the plantation and the people inhabiting it ; and for 
" the imposition of lawful fines, mulcts, imprisonments, or 
other lawful correction according to the course of other Cor- 
porations in this our realm of England." The Governor 
and Assistants were to be elected annually at the General 
Court on the last Wednesday in Easter term. 

The Company having, before the date of the Charter, 
purchased the territory, over which it extends, from the 
Plymouth Company in England, had already in 1628 sent 
out a number of settlers, who were planted in Salem. The 
great object of the Colonists was to establish their own 
forms of Church government and discipline, in a place, 
where they might live under them unmolested. A number 
of substantial and respectable gentlemen being; willing to 
settle permanently in the new plantation, provided the pa- 
tent and government should be legally transferred and be 
established to remain with them and others inhabiting it, 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 201 

the Company, on the motion of Matthew Cradock, the first 
Governor in England, agreed that it should be thus trans- 
ferred; and in consequence of this arrangement, John Win- 
throp and others arrived in New England with the Charter 
in 1630. 

In the small beginnings of the Colony, all business, ex- 
cepting the election of officers and freemen, appears to have 
been transacted indifferently in the General Court or the 
Court of Assistants. But the people early showed, that 
they were very jealous of their liberties. It was at first in- 
tended to make Newtown, since called Cambridge, the cap- 
ital of the colony, and it was determined to fortify it against 
the Indians, at the common expense. The amount assessed 
on Watertown by the Court of Assistants was £8, and a 
warrant was issued for levying it. Whereupon " the Pastor, 
Elder, &c, assembled the people, and delivered their opin- 
ions, that it was not safe to pay moneys after that sort, for 
fear of bringing themselves and posterity into bondage." 
The Governor and Assistants summoned the Pastor, &c. 
before them, and argued with them, that this government 
was not like that of a Mayor and Aldermen, but like a Par- 
liament, and the Assistants were the Representatives of the 
freemen, and so finally persuaded them to submit at that 
time to the assessment. The Watertown people however 
were clearly right in their objection, for although the Char- 
ter makes no mention of levying taxes, yet the assessment 
of a tax is a law, and the General Court only had the power 
to make laws. This occurred in February 1632.* In May 
following two deputies were chosen to attend from each 
town at the next Court, and " advise with the Governor and 
Assistants about the raising of a public stock, so as what 
they should agree upon, should bind all."f In Col. Rec. 
May 9, 1632. 

In the year 1634, there were eight towns in the Colony 
and under date of April 1 in that year, we find the following 
entry in Winthrop's Journal. 

" Notice being sent out of the General Court to be held 
the 14th day of the third month called May, the freemen 
deputed two of each town to meet and consider of such 

* 1 Wint. J. 70. t 1 Wint. J. 76. 



202 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

matters as they were to take order in at the same General 
Court ; who having met, desired a sight of the patent, and 
conceiving thereby that all their laws should be made at the 
General Court, repaired to the Governor to advise with him 
about it, and about the abrogating of some orders formerly 
made, as for killing of swine in corn, &lc.* He told them, 
that when the patent was granted, the number of freemen 
was supposed to be (as in like corporations) so few, as they 
might well join in making laws ; but now they were grown 
to so great a body, as it was not possible for them to make 
or execute laws, but they must choose others for that pur- 
pose : and that howsoever it would be necessary hereafter 
to have a select company to intend that work, yet for the 
present they were not furnished with a sufficient number of 
men qualified for that business, neither could the company 
bear the loss of time of so many as must intend it. Yet this 
they might do at present, viz. they might at the General 
Court make an order, that once in the year, a certain num- 
ber should be appointed (upon summons from the Governor) 
to revise all laws, &,c. and to reform what they found amiss 
therein ; but not to make any new laws, but prefer their 
grievances to the Court of Assistants ; and that no assess- 
ment should be laid upon the country without the consent 
of such a committee, nor any lands disposed of." 1 Win- 
throp, 128. 

This seems not to have been quite satisfactory, for among 
the very first acts of the General Court on the 14th of May 
was the following. 

" It is agreed, that none but the General Court hath power 
to choose and admit freemen ; — That none but the Gene- 
ral Court hath power to make and establish laws, nor to 
elect and appoint officers as Governor, Deputy Governor, 
Assistants, Treasurer, Secretary, Captains, Lieutenants, En- 
signs or any of like moment, or to remove such upon misde- 
meanor, as also to set out the powers and duties of the said 
officers ; — That none but the General Court hath power to 



* There are numerous orders in relation to this subject. The last preceding this 
date is thus entered on the record, July 2, 1633. "It is ordered, that it shall be law- 
ful for any man to kill any swine, that comes into his corn ; the party, that owns the 
swine is to have them being killed, and allow recompense for the damage they 



Early Latvs of Massachusetts. 203 

raise money and taxes and to dispose of lands viz. to give 
and confirm proprieties." 1 Col. Rec. 115. 

At the beginning of the record of the proceedings of this 
General Court we find entered not only the names of the 
Governor, Deputy Governor and the Assistants present, as 
previously ; but also those of twenty-four freemen, three 
from each town, in the same manner as the names of the 
Deputies were subsequently entered. The natural conjecture 
is that they were in fact deputed by their fellow townsmen to 
attend the Court, probably in consequence of a recommend- 
ation to that effect, from the deputation of two from each 
town, mentioned by Winthrop; and as no specified number 
of freemen was necessary to a quorum, whatever number 
should actually attend would constitute with the Governor 
or Deputy and seven Assistants a lawful assembly. This 
conjecture is strengthened by the fact, that one of their first 
proceedings was to provide for a similar course in future. 

"-It was further ordered, that it shall be lawful for the 
freemen of every plantation to choose two or three of each 
town, before every General Court, to confer of and prepare 
such public business as by them shall be thought fit to con- 
sider of at the next General Court. And that such persons 
as shall be hereafter so deputed by the freemen of [the] 
several plantations, to deal in their behalf in the public affairs 
of the Commonwealth, shall have the full power and voice 
of all the said freemen derived to them for the making and 
establishing of laws, granting of lands, &c. and to deal in all 
other affairs of the Commonwealth, wherein the freemen 
have to do, the matter of election of magistrates and other 
officers only excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his 
own voice." 1 Col. Rec. 115. 

The first part of this order for a meeting before the Gene- 
ral Court seems not to have been generally complied with. 
Though I find mention of a convention of delegates from 
each town, in Salem in 1643, to nominate candidates for 
office at the ensuing election, a mode of proceeding revived 
in our own day. The second clause, providing for the 
election of deputies to the General Court, has ever since 
been acted on. At first they were chosen for each General 
Court; afterwards, from 1639 to 1640 they were chosen 
semiannually, and in 1642 and ever since that time have 
been elected once a year. 



204 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

Such was the origin of Representative government in 
New England. It has been seen that some orders for kill- 
ing swine in corn were the immediate occasion of its estab- 
lishment ; and it is somewhat remarkable, that a few years 
afterwards, a lawsuit about a stray sow, found in Boston in 
1636, of which proceeding a minute account is given by 
Winthrop, ultimately led to the division of the Legislature 
into two separate branches. Surely the animal, whose wan- 
derings have thus led to the establishment of two of the great 
securities of Liberty among us, may claim at least as honor- 
able mention in history as has been awarded to the geese of 
the Capitol. 

The following extracts from the Colony Records, and 
Winthrop's Journal need little comment. Any discrepancy 
of dates may be accounted for by considering, that the only 
date in the Records is the first day of the session ; and that 
in citing from Winthrop a paragraph not dated, I refer it to 
the last preceding date. Winthrop's Journal too is not kept 
strictly in order of time. After giving an account, for in- 
stance, of the session in May 1642, he mentions occur- 
rences which took place at that of December 1641, and so 
in other cases. 

"6th of 3d month (May) 1635. The deputies having 
conceived great danger to our state in regard that our ma- 
gistrates, for want of positive laws, in many cases, might pro- 
ceed according to their discretions, it was agreed, that some 
men should be appointed to frame a body of grounds of laws, 
in resemblance to a Magna Charta, which being allowed by 
some of the ministers and the general court, should be re- 
ceived for fundamental laws. 1 Wint. J. 160. 

"6th 3d month 1635. The Governor, [John Haynes] 
the Deputy Governor, [Richard Bellingham] John Winthrop 
and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, are deputed by the Court to 
make a draught of such laws, as they shall judge useful for 
the well ordering of this Plantation, and to present the same 
to the Court. 1 Col. Rec. 150. 

"25 of 3d month (May) 1636. The Governor, [Henry 
Vane] the Deputy Governor, [John Winthrop] Thomas 
Dudley, John Haynes, Richard Bellingham, Esquires, Mr. 
Cotton, Mr. Peters and Mr. Shepherd are entreated to make 
a draught of laws agreeable to the word of God, which may 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 205 

be the Fundamentals of this Commonwealth, and to present 
the same to the next General Court, and it is ordered that 
in the mean time the magistrates and their associates shall 
proceed in the Courts to hear and determine all causes, 
according to the laws now established, and where there is 
no law, then as near the laws of God as they can." 1 Col. 
Rec. 176. 

Winthrop makes no mention of this appointment, and 
there is no evidence, either in his Journal or in the Records, 
that anything was done by the Committee appointed the 
preceding year. Of the present the result was this. 

i( 8 bre. 25, 1636. Mr. Cotton being requested by the 
General Court with some other ministers to assist some of 
the magistrates in compiling a body of fundamental laws, 
did, this Court, present a copy of Moses his judicials, com- 
piled in an exact method, which were taken into further con- 
sideration till the next General Court." 1 Wint. J. 202. 

1 find nothing said of this in the Records. 

"1 month, 1637. [i. e. March 1638.] At this Court, a 
committee was appointed of some magistrates, some minis- 
ters, and some others, to compile a body of fundamental 
laws." 1 Wint. J. 257. 

" 12th day of 1st month, 1637-8. For the well ordering 
of these Plantations now in the beginning thereof; it having 
been found by the little time of experience we have here 
had, that the want of written laws hath put the courts into 
many doubts and much trouble in many particular cases, this 
Court hath therefore ordered, that the freemen of every 
town (or some part thereof chosen by the rest) within this 
jurisdiction, shall assemble together in their several towns, 
and collect the heads of such necessary and fundamental 
laws, as may be suitable to the times and places, where God 
in his providence hath cast us, and the heads of such laws 
to deliver in writing to the Governor for the time being be- 
fore the 5th day of the 4th month called June next, to 
the intent that the same Governor [John Winthrop] together 
with the rest of the standing council and Richard Bellingham 
Esquire, Mr. Bulkeley, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Peters and Mr. 
Shepherd, elders of several churches, Mr. Nathaniel Ward, 
Mr. William Spencer, and Mr. William Hawthorne, or the 
major part, may upon the survey of such heads of laws, 

vol. vni. 26 



206 Early Laws of Massachusetts, 

make a compendious abridgement of the same by the Gen- 
eral Court in Autumn next, adding yet to the same or de- 
tracting therefrom what in their wisdom shall seem meet, 
that so the whole work being perfected to the best of their 
skill, it may be presented to the General Court for confirma- 
tion or rejection as the Court shall adjudge. And it is also 
ordered, that the said persons shall survey all the orders 
already made, and reduce them into as few heads as they 
may, and present them unto the General Court for approba- 
tion or refusal as aforesaid. 5 ' 1 Col Rec. 217. 

The next entry I find on this subject is in 1639. And 
here we learn from Winthrop how it happened, that there 
should have been so many committees, and never but one 
report. The committees were appointed to satisfy the 
importunities of the people, but " most of the Magistrates and. 
some of the Elders were not forward in the matter," and 
knew w r ell how to retard it. 

" 9th month, 1639. The people had long desired a body 
of laws, and thought their condition very unsafe, while so 
much power rested in the discretion of the magistrates. 
Divers attempts had been made at former courts, and the 
matter referred to some of the magistrates and some of the 
elders ; but still it came to no effect ; for, being committed 
to the care of many, whatsoever was done by some, was 
still disliked or neglected by others. At last it was referred 
to Mr. Cotton and Mr. Nathaniel Warde, &,c, and each of 
them framed a model, which were presented to this General 
Court, and by them committed to the Governor and Deputy 
and some others, to consider of, and so prepare it for the 
Court in the third month next. Two great reasons there 
were, which caused most of the magistrates and some of the 
elders not to be very forward in this matter. One was, 
want of sufficient experience of the nature and disposition 
of the people, considered with the condition of the country 
and other circumstances, which made them conceive, that 
such laws would be fittest for us, which should arise pro re 
nata upon occasions &c. and so the laws of England and 
other states grew, and therefore the fundamental laws of 
England are called customs, consuetudines. 2. For that it 
would professedly transgress the limits of our charter, which 
provide, we shall make no laws repugnant to the laws of 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 207 

England, and that we were assured we must do. But to 
raise up laws by practice and custom had been no trans- 
gression ; as in our church discipline, and in matters of mar- 
riage, to make a law that marriages shall not be solemnized 
by ministers, is repugnant to the laws of England ; but to 
bring it to a custom by practice for the magistrates to per- 
form it, is no law made repugnant, &c. At length (to satisfy 
the people) it proceeded, and the two models were digested 
with divers alterations and additions, and abbreviated and 
sent to every town, (12) to be considered of first by the 
magistrates and elders, and then to be published by the con- 
stables to all the people, that if any man should think fit, 
that any thing therein ought to be altered, he might acquaint 
some of the deputies therewith against the next Court." 1 
Wint. J. 322. 

We are not to understand that Cotton and Ward were 
on the same committee, for Cotton's appointment was in 
1636, and he first presented his model, as Winthrop himself 
informs us, in that year, though it may have been presented 
at this Court again. Ward was only on the committee of 
1638, of which Cotton was not a member. 

"5th day of 9th month, 1639. It is ordered that the Gov- 
ernor, [J. Winthrop] Deputy Governor, [Thomas Dudley] 
Treasurer and Mr. Stoughton or any three of them, with 
two or more of the deputies of Boston, Charlestown or Rox- 
bury, shall peruse all those models which have been or shall 
be further presented to this Court or themselves concerning 
a form of government and laws to be established, and shall 
draw them up into one body, altering, adding or omitting what 
they shall think fit, and shall take order, that the same shall 
be copied out and sent to the several towns, that, the elders 
of the churches and freemen may consider of them against 
the next General Court, and the charges to be defrayed by 
the Treasurer. 1 Col. Rec. 266. 

" 13th of 3d month, 1640. Whereas a Breviate of Laws 
was formerly sent forth to be considered by the elders of the 
churches and other freemen of this Commonwealth, it is now 
desired, that they will endeavour to ripen their thoughts and 
counsels about the same by the general court in the next 
8th month." 1 Col. Rec. 278. 

Well done. Truly the magistrates were " not forward in 



208 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

the matter.'' Never were the demands of a free people 
eluded by their public servants with more of the wisdom 
or of the contortions of the serpent. Of course from no 
bad motive. But appointing committee after committee to 
do nothing, — ordering every town to frame a set of heads of 
laws to be considered, — -directing that all the various models, 
that had been or should be presented, should be diligently 
perused and digested, as if there were a hundred of them, 
when we know from Winthrop, that there were only two, — 
when driven at last to take one of them, ordering it to be 
sent to all the towns for scrutiny and objection, — and to 
crown all, after having evaded the urgent importunities of 
the people for six years, gravely desiring them to take fur- 
ther time to ripen their thoughts ; — how unreasonable it is 
to suspect such men, of being so totally destitute of worldly 
wisdom, as to undertake to carry on their government solely 
by the Laws of Moses ? 

The next entry 1 find touching the laws is the following, 
which I insert, though it appears not to refer to the proposed 
code, but to laws previously adopted ; and one object of it 
may have been to amuse the people by appearing to do 
something about the Laws. 

"2d of the 4th month, [June] 1641. The Governor [Rich- 
ard Bellingham] is appointed to peruse all the laws, and 
take notice what may be fit to be repealed, what to be recti- 
fied, what to stand, and make return to the next General 
Court. 1 Col. Rec. 300. 

"7th of 8th month, [October] 1641. The Governor 
[Bellingham] and Mr. Hawthorne were desired to speak to 
Mr. Ward for a Copy of the Liberties and of the Capital 
laws to be transcribed and sent to the several towns." 1 Col. 
Rec. 317. 

Subsequently at the same session is the following entry. 

" Mr. Deputy Endicot, Mr. Downing and Mr. Hawthorne 
are authorized to get nineteen Copies of the Laws, Liberties 
and the forms of oaths transcribed and subscribed by their 
several hands, and none to be authentic but such as they 
subscribed, and to be paid for by the Constable of each 
Town, ten shillings a piece for each copy, and to be prepared 
within six weeks." 1 Col. Rec. 321. 

None of these proceedings are noticed by Winthrop ; but 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 209 

in his account of the proceedings of the General Court held 
in the 10th month, [December] 1641, he says, — 

" This session continued three weeks and established 
one hundred laws, which were called the Body of Liberties. 
They had been composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward (some- 
time pastor of the church of Ipswich : he had been a minis- 
ter in England and formerly a student and practiser in the 
course of the common law) and had been revised and altered 
by the Court and sent forth into every town to be further 
considered of, and now again in this Court, they were revis- 
ed, amended and presented, and so established for three 
years, by that experience to have them fully amended and 
established to be perpetual." 2 Wint. J. 55. 

The Colony Records from October 1641 to May 1642 
are lost. They belonged to the beginning of the second 
volume, which is mutilated. The subject is not afterward 
mentioned by Winthrop, so that all the subsequent extracts 
are from the Records. In these it appears, that at a court 
held on the 18th of the 3d month, 1642, three laws for pun- 
ishing rape with death were adopted, and the Capital laws 
were ordered to be printed. A copy of this publication 
containing the Capital laws and the freeman's oath may be 
found in II. Hist. Coll. iv. 112. It has been seen that the 
Body of Liberties was established for three years, before the 
expiration of which time, there is the following entry, but no 
subsequent mention of any doings of the Committees. 

"7th of 1st month, [March] 1643-4. It is ordered that 
the Governor, [John Winthrop] Mr. Dudley and Mr. Hib- 
bens, these or any two of them shall be a committee to con- 
sider of the Body of Liberties, against the next General 
Court what is fit to be repealed or allowed, and present the 
same to the next Court. Also the Magistrates residing at 
Ipswich or any two of them are appointed a Committee for 
the same purpose, that so the Court conferring both together 
may more easily determine what to settle about the same. 

" It is ordered that Richard Bellingham Esq. should finish 
that, which was formerly committed to him about the perus- 
ing of the Book of laws, &c. and to present the same to the 
next Court." 2 Col. Rec. p. 47. 

The fact, that almost all the Articles in the Body of Lib- 
erties are in substance contained in every subsequent Digest 



210 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

of the Colony Laws, shows, that the people were not dissat- 
isfied with its provisions. But they still desired a more 
minute and complete Code to include all the laws and orders 
of general obligation. It will be seen, that after some fur- 
ther hesitation and delay, the magistrates yielded more fully 
to their wishes, and set themselves heartily to the work. It 
is possible, that as the Royal cause declined in England, 
and that of the Parliament prevailed, they were less appre- 
hensive of the consequences of publishing laws repugnant to 
those of England, in violation of their charter from the King ; 
relying on the favor and indulgence of the dominant party 
there. 

At the General Court in 5th month, [July] 1645, a com- 
mittee was appointed for the county of Suffolk, of which 
Governor Winthrop and Mr. Cotton were members, " to 
draw up a body of laws and to present them to the consid- 
eration of the next General Court ;" and another Commit- 
tee for Middlesex, and a third for Essex, with similar pow- 
ers. Mr. Bellingham and Mr. Ward were members of the 
last. 2 Col. Rec. 85. 

At the next Court 1st, 8th month, October, 1645, the 
committees appointed at the last session to meet in every 
shire, to consult together and to return at this Court a " re- 
sult of their thoughts, that this Court might proceed there- 
upon to satisfy the expectation of the country in establishing 
a body of laws," are desired to hold their first meeting on or 
before the 12th of November for the accomplishment of the 
end so desired, and to make their return at the next sitting 
of the General Court. 2 Col Rec. 102. 

On the 15th of the 3d month, 1646, the Court thank- 
fully accepts of the labors of the several Committees, and 
" being very unwilling such precious labors should fall to the 
ground without that good success as is generally hoped for," 
appoints a Committee, including Bellingham and Ward, to 
cause the returns to be transcribed, so that each Committee 
may see the other's labors ; and the same Committee is to 
meet on or before the 10th of August and on perusing the 
labors of all the others, " with the abbreviation of the laws in 
force, which Mr. Bellingham took great store of pains and to 
good purpose in," upon the whole to make return at the 
next session, " at which time the Court intends, by the favor 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 211 

and blessing of God, to proceed to the establishing of so 
many of them, as shall be thought most fit for a body of laws 
amongst us." 2 Col Rec. 133. 

i4 4 day 9 month, [November] 1646. The Court being 
deeply sensible of the earnest expectation of the Country in 
general for this Court's completing of a body of Laws for the 
better and more orderly wielding all the affairs of this Com- 
monwealth ; willing also to their utmost to answer their 
honest and hearty desires therein, unexpectedly prevented 
by multitude of other pressing occasions, think fit and neces- 
sary that this Court make choice of two or three of our hon- 
ored Magistrates, with as many of the Deputies to peruse 
and examine, compare, transcribe, and compose in good 
order, all the liberties, laws and orders extant with us ; and 
further to peruse and perfect all such others as are drawn 
up, and to present such of them as they find necessary for 
us, as also to suggest what they deem needful to be added, 
as also to consider and contrive some good method and or- 
der, with titles and tables for compiling the whole ; so as we 
may have ready recourse to any of them, upon all occasions, 
whereby we may manifest our utter disaffection to arbitrary 
Government and so all relations be safely and sweetly 
directed and protected in all their just rights and privileges ; 
desiring thereby to make way for printing our Laws for 
more public and profitable use of us and our successors. 
Our honored Governor, [J. Winthrop] Mr. Bellingham, Mr. 
Hibbens, Mr. Hill and Mr. Duncan as a Committee for the 
business abovementioned, or any three of them meeting, the 
others having notice thereof, shall be sufficient to carry on 
the work." 2 Col. Rec. 147. 

"26th 3d month, 1647. The Court understanding that 
the Committee for perfecting the laws appointed by the last 
General Court, through streights of time and other things 
intervening have not attained what they expected, and on all 
hands so much desired touching a body of laws, think meet 
and necessary that our honored Governor, [J. Winthrop] 
Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Hibbens, the Auditor General and Mr. 
Hills be chosen as a Committee of this Court to do the same, 
according to the aforesaid order, against the next sessions in 
the 8th month or the next General Court." 2 Col. Rec. 170. 

At the Court on the 27th of the 8th month, 1647, is the 



212 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

following entry. " The laws being to be put in print, it is 
meet, that they should be conveniently penned, therefore 
it is desired, that the Committee for drawing up the laws 
will be careful therein. And to that purpose, they have 
liberty to make some change of form to put in apt words as 
occasion shall require, provided the sense and meaning in 
any law or part thereof be not changed." 2 Col. Rec. 181. 

Subsequently at the same Court is the following. 

" The laws now being in a manner agreed upon, and the 
Court drawing to an end, it is time to take order: 1. How 
all alteration of former laws may be without mistaking com- 
pared and fair written : 2d. That all old laws not altered be 
also written in the same copy : 3dly. That there be a Com- 
mittee chosen for this business, to be made ready against 
the first day of the first month next, so as the Court of 
Assistants, if they see cause may advise for a General Court 
to prepare them for the press : 4thly. That there be large 
margins left at both sides of the leaf, and the heads of each 
law written on the two outsides thereof, and upon the other 
margent any references and scriptures or the like, and that 
these be written copy wise." 2 Col. Rec. 187. 

"On the 5th of the first month, 1648. The Court doth 
desire that Mr. Rawson and Mr. Hill compare the amend- 
ments of the Books of laws passed, and make them as one, 
and one of them to remain in the hands of the Committee 
for the speedy committing of them to the press, and the 
other to remain in the hands of the Secretary sealed up till 
the next Court." 2 Col. Rec. 196. 

" 10th of 3d month, 1648. It is ordered, the copy of the 
laws in the two Rowles, which were by order of Court 
sealed up, with intent, that if any question should arise 
about the copy now at the press, it might be examined by 
this, whereby the faithfulness of the Committee might be 
tried, and that the other copy now remaining with Mr. Hill 
should forthwith be sent for the use of the Court." * 2 Col. 
Rec. 201. 

" 17th of 8th month, 1649. The Court finding by expe- 
rience the great benefit that doth redound to the country by 



* There seems something wanting here to complete the sense, but so stands the 
record. 



Early Laivs of Massachusetts. 213 

putting of the law in print, do conceive it very requisite that 
those laws also, which have passed the consent of the Gen- 
eral Court since the books were imprinting or printed should 
be forthwith committed to the press." 2 Col. Rec. 245. 

In June 1654 it appears, that certain laws were printed, 
in October 1656 the laws of the two preceding years were 
printed, in May 1657 all laws not then already printed were 
ordered to be so : and in 1 658 we find provision made for 
a new Digest. 

"19 May, 1658. It is ordered that Major General Daniel 
Dennison diligently peruse, examine and weigh every law 
and compare them with others of like nature, and such as 
are clear, plain and good, free from any just exception to 
stand without any animadversion as approved ; such as are 
repealed or fit to be repealed to be so marked and the rea- 
sons given, such as are obscure, contradictory or seeming so, 
to be rectified and the emendations prepared. Where there 
is two or more laws about one and the same thing, to pre- 
pare a draught of one law, that may comprehend the same ; 
to make a plain and easy table, and to prepare what else 
may present in the perusing of them to be necessary and 
useful and make return at the next session of this Court." 
3 Col Rec. 281. 

At the next session, 19 October, 1658. It is ordered, 
" that the Book of Laws, as they have been revised and cor- 
rected and put into form by order of this Court, together 
with the alterations and additions hereunder expressed, shall 
forthwith be printed, and be in force in one month after the 
same, and that there shall be a perfect table made thereunto, 
what remains to be done to be prepared for the press by 
our honored Major General :" Then follows a list of amend- 
ments not important, and it is ordered, "that the preface to 
the old law book with such alterations as shall be judged 
meet by the Governor [John Endicott] and Major General 
be added thereunto," and Mr. Danforth is appointed to over- 
see the impression. 3 Col. Rec. 291. 

On the 30th of May, 1660. "For the more equal distri- 
bution of the Law Books when they shall be printed," it is 
ordered that the Treasurer after supplying certain officers 
mentioned, shall distribute the residue among the towns in 
proportion to their taxes, the towns to pay for them at such 

vol. viii. 27 



214 Early Laws of Massachusetts, 

rate, that no charge shall be put upon the country for the 
same. Mr. Danforth is also directed to make an index with 
all convenient speed, so that the work may no longer be 
delayed. 3 Col Bee. 341. 

The first order at the General Court 16th October, 1660, 
is, that the last impression of the law T s shall be of force after 
the expiration of thirty days from this date and "in the mean 
time the old books stand good and be attended to as 
before." 3 Col. Rec. 350. 

A perfect copy of this edition is in the Library at the State 
House, and one wanting only the title page and part of the 
preface in the Dane Law College at Cambridge. 

The Connecticut Code of laws, adopted in 1650, and first 
printed a few years ago, is digested in the same form under 
alphabetical heads, and a large portion of its provisions may 
be found in our Code of 1660, generally in the same words. 
No doubt it w r as still more like our Code of 1649, if not a 
copy of it. For in many cases where it differs from our Code 
of 1660, we have still the means of showing, that it agrees 
exactly with our laws as existing in 1649 ; and that it is our 
own Code of 1660, which varies from them. The fifteen 
Capital laws of the Connecticut Code are all found in ours 
of 1660, with the same references to the scriptures, and in 
the same words, excepting that the former contains only the 
first clause of our law against treason, and that there are six 
other variations of phraseology not affecting the sense. In 
five of these six cases, the Connecticut Code agrees word 
for word with the capital laws printed by authority in Massa- 
chusetts in 1642 : and in the sixth case the difference is 
only the omission of the word " surely " in the phrase " shall 
surely be put to death." 

The first law establishing public schools in America was 
passed by the General Court of Massachusetts at its session 
on the 27th of 8th month [October] 1647, and its preamble 
is frequently cited as characteristic of our ancestors, and highly 
honorable to them. Now it so happens, that this is one of the 
few laws entered at length on the Records, and the pream- 
ble there begins thus : " It being one chief project of that 
ould deluder Satan to keep men from the knowledge of the 
scripture," &c. This preamble and the whole law are print- 
ed in the Connecticut Code of 1650 word for word as they 



Early Laivs of Massachusetts. 215 

stand on the Records of Massachusetts in 1647. But in our 
own edition of 1660 the words "that ould deluder" are 
omitted, appearing probably to General Dennison, by whom 
this last code was prepared for publication, to be somewhat 
ludicrous. 

While writing these remarks, I learn, that the discovery of 
the Body of Liberties may have an important bearing on law- 
suits now pending and involving the title to a great amount of 
property in this City. It seems, that several valuable estates 
are holden under a grant made in 1641, in which they are 
bounded on "high water mark." The argument is, that if the 
ancient law annexing the flats to the adjacent upland then 
existed, the flats were already the property of the grantor, 
and would not pass by the deed ; but if it was enacted 
afterwards, it gave them to the grantee or those claiming 
under him. Now in the printed Code of 1660 the section 
containing this provision, contains also others relating to free 
fishing, fowling, &c, and at the end of it are placed the 
dates "1641, 1647," indicating that it consists of laws passed 
in those two years digested into one section for publication, 
as we have seen was the usage. It has commonly been 
called the Ordinance of 1641, and no one could tell, which of 
its provisions were passed in the one year and which in the 
other, without knowing the laws of one of those years. But 
with the Code of 1641 before us, we know what portion is 
of that year; and of course, that the residue, including the 
provision in question, is of 1647. 

In printing the Body of Liberties, the spelling of the orig- 
inal will be adhered to : but signs and abbreviations printed 
at length. 



A COPPIE OF THE LIBERTIES OF THE MASSACHUSETS 
COLLONIE IN NEW ENGLAND. 



* The free fruition of such liberties Immunities and prive- 
ledges as humanitie, Civilitie, and Christianitie call for as due 
to every man in his place and proportion without impeach- 
ment and Infringement hath ever bene and ever will be the 
tranquillitie and Stabilitie of Churches and Commonwealths. 
And the deniall or deprivall thereof, the disturbance if not 
the ruine of both. 

We hould it therefore our dutie and safetie whilst we are 
about the further establishing of this Government to collect 
and expresse all such freedomes as for present we foresee 
may concerne us, and our posteritie after us, And to ratify 
them with our sollemne consent. 

Wee doe therefore this day religiously and unanimously 
decree and confirme these following Rites, liberties and prive- 
ledges concerneing our Churches, and Civill State to be re- 
spectively impartiallie and inviolably enjoyed and observed 
throughout our Jurisdiction for ever. 

1. No mans life shall be taken away, no mans honour or 
good name shall be stayned, no mans person shall be arested, 
restrayned, banished, dismembred, nor any wayes punished, 
no man shall be deprived of his wife or children, no mans 
goods or estaite shall be taken away from him, nor any way 
indammaged under colour of law or Countenance of Author- 
ise, unlesse it be by vertue or equitie of some expresse law 
of the Country waranting the same, established by a gene- 
rail Court and sufficiently published, or in case of the defect 
of a law in any parteculer case by the word of God. And in 

* In the printed Codes both of Massachusetts and Connecticut this paragraph 
begins with the words " Forasmuch as," here wanting. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 217 

Capitall cases, or in cases concerning dismembring or ban- 
ishment according to that word to be judged by the Gene- 
rail Court, pag. 1. 

2. Every person within this Jurisdiction, whether Inhab- 
itant or forreiner shall enjoy the same justice and law, that 
is generall for the plantation, which we constitute and execute 
one towards another without partialitie or delay, pag. 143. 

3. No man shall be urged to take any oath or subscribe 
any articles, covenants or remonstrance, of a publique and 
Civill nature, but such as the Generall Court hath consider- 
ed, allowed, and required, pag. 219. 

4. No man shall be punished for not appearing at or be- 
fore any Civiil Assembly, Court, Counceil, Magistrate, or 
Officer, nor for the omission of any office or service, if he 
shall be necessarily hindred by any apparent Act or provi- 
dence of God, which he could neither foresee nor avoid. 
Provided that this law shall not prejudice any person of his 
just cost or damage, in any civill action, pag. 4. 

5. No man shall be compelled to any publique worke or 
service unlesse the presse be grounded upon some act of 
the generall Court, and have reasonable allowance there- 
fore, pag. 73, sec. 2. 

6. No man shall be pressed in person to any office, 
worke, warres or other publique service, that is necessarily 
and sufficiently exempted by any naturall or personall im- 
pediment, as by want of yeares, greatnes of age, defect of 
minde, fayling of sences, or impotencie of Lymbes. pag. 73, 
sec. 2. 

7. No man shall be compelled to goe out of the limits of 
this plantation upon any offensive warres which this Com- 
onwealth or any of our freinds or confederats shall volen- 
tarily undertake. But onely upon such vindictive and de- 
fensive warres in our owne behalfe or the behalfe of our 
freinds and confederats as shall be enterprized by the Coun- 
sell and consent of a Court generall, or by authority deriv- 
ed from the same. pag. 73. 



218 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

8. No mans Cattel or goods of what kinde soever shall 
be pressed or taken for any publique use or service, unlesse 
it be by warrant grounded upon some act of the generall 
Court, nor without such reasonable prices and hire as the 
ordinarie rates of the Countrie do afford. And if his Cattle 
or goods shall perish or suffer damage in such service, the 
owner shall be sufficiently recompenced. pag. 73. 

9. No monopolies shall be granted or allowed amongst 
us, but of such new Inventions that are profitable to the 
Countrie, and that for a short time. pag. 119. 

10. All our lands and heritages shall be free from all fines 
and licenses upon Alienations, and from all hariotts, ward- 
ships, Liveries, Primer-seisins, yeare day and wast, Es- 
cheates, and forfeitures, upon the deaths of parents or An- 
cestors, be they naturall, casuall or Juditiall. pag. 88. 

11. All persons which are of the age of 21 yeares, and 
of right understanding and meamories, whether excommuni- 
cate or condemned shall have full power and libertie to make 
there wills and testaments, and other lawfull alienations of 
theire lands and estates, pag. 1. 

12. Every man whether Inhabitant or fforreiner, free or 
not free shall have libertie to come to any publique Court, 
Councel, or Towne meeting, and either by speech or write- 
ing to move any lawfull, seasonable, and materiall question, 
or to present any necessary motion, complaint, petition, Bill 
or information, whereof that meeting hath proper cognizance, 
so it be done in convenient time, due order, and respective 
manner, pag. 90. 

13. No man shall be rated here for any estaite or reve- 
nue he hath in England, or in any forreine partes till it be 
transported hither, pag. 25, sec. 2. 

14. Any Conveyance or Alienation of land or other es- 
taite what so ever, made by any woman that is married, any 
childe under age, Ideott or distracted person, shall be good 
if it be passed and ratified by the consent of a generall 
Court. 



Early Lmvs of Massachusetts. 219 

15. All Covenous or fraudulent Alienations or Convey- 
ances of lands, tenements, or any heriditaments, shall be of 
no validitie to defeate any man from due debts or legacies, 
or from any just title, clame or possession, of that which is 
so fraudulently conveyed, pag. 32, sec. 3. 

16. Every Inhabitant that is an howse holder shall have 
free fishing and fowling in any great ponds and Bayes, 
Coves and Rivers, so farre as the sea ebbesand flovves with- 
in the presincts of the towne w 7 here they dwell, unlesse the 
free men of the same Towne or the Generall Court have 
otherwise appropriated them, provided that this shall not be 
extended to give leave to any man to come upon others 
proprietie without there leave, pag. 90, sec. 2. 

17. Every man of or within this Jurisdiction shall have 
free libertie, notwithstanding any Civill power to remove 
both himselfe, and his familie at their pleasure out of the 
same, provided there be no legall impediment to the con- 
trarie. pag. 91, sec. 3. 

Rites Rules f md Liberties concerning Juditiall proceedings. 

18. No mans person shall be restrained or imprisoned 
by any authority whatsoever, before the law hath sentenced 
him thereto, if he can put in sufficient securitie, bayle or 
mainprise, for his appearance, and good behaviour in the 
meane time, unlesse it be in Crimes Capitall, and Contempts 
in open Court, and in such cases where some expresse act 
of Court doth allow it. pag. 74. 

19. If in a general Court any miscariage shall be 
amongst the Assistants when they are by themselves that 
may deserve an Admonition or fine under 20 sh. it shall be 
examined and sentenced among themselves, If amongst the 
Deputies when they are by themselves, it shall be examined 
and sentenced amongst themselves, If it be when the whole 
Court is togeather, it shall be judged by the whole Court, 
and not severallie as before, pag. 36, sec. 6. 

20. If any which are to sit as Judges in any other Court 
shall demeane themselves offensively in the Court, The rest 



220 Early Laivs of Massachusetts. 

of the Judges present shall have power to censure him for 
it, if the cause be of a high nature it shall be presented to 
and censured at the next superior Court, pag. 36, sec. 6. 

21. In all cases where the first summons are not served 
six dayes before the Court, and the cause breifly specified in 
the warrant, where appearance is to be made by the partie 
summoned, it shall be at his libertie whether he will appeare 
or no, except all cases that are to be handled in Courts sud- 
dainly called, upon extraordinary occasions, In all cases 
where there appeares present and urgent cause any assistant 
or officer apointed shal have power to make out attachments 
for the first summons, pag. 7, sec. 2. 

22. No man in any suit or action against an other shall 
falsely pretend great debts or damages to vex his adversary, 
if it shall appeare any doth so, The Court shall have power 
to set a reasonable fine on his head. pag. 3, sec. 8. 

23. No man shall be adjudged to pay for detaining any 
debt from any Crediter above eight pounds in the hundred 
for one yeare, And not above that rate proportionable for all 
somes what so ever, neither shall this be a coulour or coun- 
tenance to allow any usurie amongst us contrarie to the law 
of god. pag. 153. 

24. In all Trespasses or damages done to any man or 
men, If it can be proved to be clone by the meere default of 
him or them to whome the trespasse is done, It shall be 
judged no trespasse, nor any damage given for it. pag. 18, 
sec. 3. 

25. No Summons pleading Judgement, or any kinde of 
proceeding in Court or course of Justice shall be abated, 
arested or reversed upon any kinde of cercumstantiall errors 
or mistakes, If the person and cause be rightly understood 
and intended by the Court, pag. 7, sec. 2. 

26. Every man that findeth himselfe unfit to plead his 
owne cause in any Court shall have Libertie to imploy any 
man against whom the Court doth not except, to helpe him, 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 221 

Provided he give him noe fee or reward for his paines. This 
shall not exempt the partie him selfe from Answering such 
Questions in person as the Court shall thinke meete to 
demand of him. 

27. If any plantife shall give into any Court a declara- 
tion of his cause in writeing, The defendant shall also have 
libertie and time to give in his answer in writeing, And so in 
all further proceedings betwene partie and partie, So it doth 
not further hinder the dispach of Justice then the Court 
shall be willing unto. 

28. The plantife in all Actions brought in any Court 
shall have libertie to withdraw his Action, or to be nonsuited 
before the Jurie hath given in their verdict, in which case he 
shall alwaies pay full cost and chardges to the defendant, 
and may afterwards renew his suite at an other Court if he 
please, pag. 3, sec. 1. 

29. In all actions at law it shall be the libertie of the 
plantife and defendant by mutual consent to choose whether 
they will be tryed by the Bensh or by a Jurie, unlesse it be 
where the law upon just reason hath otherwise determined. 
The like libertie shall be granted to all persons in Criminall 
cases, pag. 152, sec. 2. 

30. It shall be in the libertie both of plantife and defend- 
ant, and likewise every delinquent (to be judged by a Jurie) 
to challenge any of the Jurors. And if his challenge be 
found just and reasonable by the Bench, or the rest of the 
Jurie, as the challenger shall choose it shall be allowed him, 
and tales de cercumstantibus impaneled in their room. 
pag. 152, sec. 3. 

31. In all cases where evidences is so obscure or defec- 
tive that the Jurie cannot clearely and safely give a positive 
verdict, whether it be a grand or petit Jurie, It shall have 
libertie to give a non Liquit, or a spetiall verdict, in which 
last, that is in a spetiall verdict, the Judgement of the cause 
shall be left to the Court, And all Jurors shall have libertie 
in matters of fact if they cannot finde the maine issue, yet to 

vol. vin. 28 



222 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

finde and present in their verdict so much as they can, If 
the Bench and Jurors shall so suffer at any time about their 
verdict that either of them cannot proceede with peace of 
conscience the case shall be referred to the Generall Court, 
who shall take the question from both and determine it. 
pag. 87, sec. 3, part of it. 

32. Every man shall have libertie to replevy his Cattell 
or goods impounded, distreined, seised, or extended, unlesse 
it be upon execution after Judgement, and in paiment of 
fines. Provided he puts in good securitie to prosecute his 
replevin, And to satisfie such demands as his Adversary 
shall recover against him in Law. pag. 132. 

33. No mans person shall be arrested, or imprisoned 
upon execution or judgment for any debt or fine, If the law 
can finde competent meanes of satisfaction otherwise from 
his estaite, and if not his person may be arrested and impris- 
oned where he shall be kept at his owne charge, not the 
plantife's till satisfaction be made, unlesse the Court that 
had cognizance of the cause or some superior Court shall 
otherwise provide, pag. 6. 

34. If any man shall be proved and Judged a commen 
Barrator vexing others with unjust frequent and endlesse 
suites, It shall be in the power of Courts both to denie him 
the benefit of the law, and to punish him for his Barratry. 
pag. 9. 

35. No mans corne nor hay that is in the feild or upon 
the Cart, nor his garden stuffe, nor any thing subject to 
present decay, shall be taken in any distresse, unles he 
that takes it doth presently bestow it where it may not be 
imbesled nor suffer spoile or decay, or give securitie to sat- 
isfie the worth thereof if it comes to any harme. pag. 41. 

36. It shall be in the libertie of every man cast con- 
demned or sentenced in any cause in any Inferior Court, to 
make their appeale to the Court of Assistants, provided they 
tender their appeale and put in securitie to prosecute it, 
before the Court be ended wherein they were condemned, 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 223 

And within six dayes next ensuing put in good securitie 
before some Assistant to satisfie what his Adversarie shall 
recover against him ; And if the cause be of a Criminall 
nature, for his good behaviour, and appearance, And everie 
man shall have libertie to complaine to the Generall Court of 
any Injustice done him in any Court of Assistants or other. 
pag. 3, part of it. 

37. In all cases where it appeares to the Court that the 
plantife hath wilingly and witingly done wronge to the 
defendant in commenceing and prosecuting an action or com- 
plaint against him, They shall have power to impose upon 
him a proportionable fine to the use of the defendant, or 
accused person, for his false complaint or clamor, pag. 3, 
sec. 8. 

38. Everie man shall have libertie to Record in the pub- 
lique Rolles of any Court any Testimony given upon oath 
in the same Court, or before two Assistants, or any deede 
or evidence legally confirmed there to remaine in perpet- 
uam rei memoriam, that is for perpetuall memoriall or evi- 
dence upon occasion, pag. 131. 

39. In all actions both reall and personall betweene 
partie and partie, the Court shall have power to respite exe- 
cution for a convenient time, when in their prudence they 
see just cause so to doe. pag. 7, sec. 1. 

40. No Conveyance, Deede, or promise whatsoever shall 
be of validitie, If it be gotten by Illegal violence, imprison- 
ment, threatening, or any kinde of forcible compulsion 
called Dures. pag. 32, sec. 3. 

41. Everie man that is to Answere for any criminall cause, 
whether he be in prison or under bayle, his cause shall be 
heard and determined at the next Court that hath proper 
Cognizance thereof, And may be done without prejudice 
of Justice, pag. 38, sec. 10. 

42. No man shall be twise sentenced by Civill Justice for 
one and the same Crime, offence, or Trespasse. pag. 129. 



224 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

43. No man shall be beaten with above 40 stripes, nor shall 
any true gentleman, nor any man equall to a gentleman be 
punished with whipping, unles his crime be very shamefully 
and his course of life vitious and profligate, pag. 129. 

44. No man condemned to dye shall be put to death 
within fower dayes next after his condemnation, unles the 
Court see spetiall cause to the contrary, or in case of mar- 
tiall law, nor shall the body of any man so put to death be 
unburied 12 howers unlesse it be in case of Anatomic 
pag. 30. 

45. No man shall be forced by Torture to confesse any 
Crime against himselfe nor any other unlesse it be in some 
Capitall case, where he is first fullie convicted by cleare and 
sufficient evidence to be guilty, After which if the cause be 
of that nature, That it is very apparent there be other con- 
spiratours, or confederates with him, Then he may be tor- 
tured, yet not with such Tortures as be Barbarous and inhu- 
mane, pag. 129. 

46. For bodilie punishments we allow amongst us none 
that are inhumane Barbarous or cruel, pag. 129. 

47. No man shall be put to death without the testimony 
of two or three witnesses or that which is equivalent there- 
unto, pag. 158. 

48. Every Inhabitant of the Countrie shall have free liber- 
tie to search and veewe any Rooles, Records, or Regesters of 
any Court or office except the Councell, And to have a 
transcript or exemplification thereof written examined, and 
signed by the hand of the officer of the office paying the 
appointed fees therefore, pag. 131, sec. 3. 

49. No free man shall be compelled to serve upon Juries 
above two Courts in a yeare, except grand Jurie men, who 
shall hould two Courts together at the least, pag. 87, sec. 5. 

50. All Jurors shall be chosen continuallie by the free- 
men of the Towne where they dwell, pag. 86, sec. 1. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 225 

51. All Associates selected at any time to Assist the As- 
sistants in Inferior Courts, shall be nominated by the Townes 
belonging to that Court, by orderly agreement amonge them- 
selves. 

52. Children, Idiots, Distracted persons, and all that are 
strangers, or new commers to our plantation, shall have such 
allowances and dispensations in any cause whether Crimi- 
nall or other as religion and reason require, pag. 152, sec, 4. 

53. The age of discretion for passing away of lands or 
such kinde of herediments, or for giveing, of votes, verdicts 
or Sentence in any Civill Courts or causes, shall be one and 
t wen tie yeares. pag. 1. 

54. Whensoever any thing is to be put to vote, any sen- 
tence to be pronounced, or any other matter to be proposed, 
or read in any Court or Assembly, If the president or mod- 
erator thereof shall refuse to performe it, the Major parte of 
the members of that Court or Assembly shall have power to 
appoint any other meete man of them to do it, And if there 
be just cause to punish him that should and would not. 
pag. 153. 

55. In all suites or Actions in any Court, the plaintife shall 
have libertie to make all the titles and claims to that he sues 
for he can. And the Defendant shall have libertie to plead 
all the pleas he can in answere to them, and the Court shall 
judge according to the intire evidence of all. 

56. If any man shall behave himselfe offensively at any 
Towne meeting, the rest of the freemen then present, shall 
have power to sentence him for his offence. So be it the 
mulct or penaltie exceede not twentie shilings. pag. 147, 
sec. 1. 

57. Whensoever any person shall come to any very sud- 
daine untimely and unnaturall death, Some assistant, or the 
Constables of that Towne shall forthwith sumon a Jury of 
twelve free men to inquire of the cause and manner of their 
death, and shall present a true verdict thereof to some neere 



226 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

Assistant, or the next Court to be helde for that Towne 
upon their oath. pag. 39. 

Liberties more peculiarlie concerning the free men. 

58. Civill Authoritie hath power and libertie to see the 
peace, ordinances and Rules of Christ observed in every 
church according to his word, so it be done in a Civill and 
not in an Ecclesiastical way. pag. 44, sec. 11. 

59. Civil! Authoritie hath power and libertie to deale with 
any Church member in a way of Civill Justice, notwithstand- 
ing any Church relation, office or interest, pag. 44, sec.ll. 

60. No church censure shall degrade or depose any 
man from any Civill dignitie, office, or Authoritie he shall 
have in the Commonwealth, pag. 44, sec. 10. 

61. No Magestrate, Juror, Officer, or other man shall be 
bound to informe present or reveale any private crim or of- 
fence, wherein there is no perill or danger to this plantation 
or any member thereof, when any necessarie tye of con- 
science binds him to secresie grounded upon the word of 
god, unlesse it be in case of testimony lawfully required. 
pag. 86, sec. 2. 

62. Any Shire or Towne shall have libertie to choose 
their Deputies whom and where they please for the Generall 
Court. So be it they be free men, and have taken there 
oath of fealtie, and Inhabiting in this Jurisdiction, pag. 40, 
sec. 2. 

63. No Governor, Deputy Governor, Assistant, Associate, 
or grand Jury man at any Court, nor any Deputie for the 
Generall Court, shall at any time beare his owne chardges at 
any Court, but their necessary expences shall be defrayed 
either by the Towne or Sbire on whose service they are, or 
by the Country in generall. pag. 22, sec. 1. 

64. Everie Action betweene partie and partie, and pro- 
ceedings against delinquents in Criminall causes shall be 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 227 

briefly and destinctly entered on the Rolles of every Court 
by the Recorder thereof. That such actions be not after- 
wards brought againe to the vexation of any man. pag. 129, 
sec. 1. 

65. No custome or prescription shall ever prevaile amongst 
us in any morall cause, our meaneingis maintaine anythinge 
that can be proved to be morrallie sinfull by the word of god. 
pag. 126. 

66. The Freemen of every Towneship shall have power 
to make such by laws and constitutions as may concerne the 
wellfare of their Towne, provided they be not of a Criminal!, 
but onely of a prudentiall nature, And that their penalties 
exceede not 20 sh. for one offence. And that they be 
not repugnant to the publique laws and orders of the Coun- 
trie. And if any Inhabitant shall neglect or refuse to ob- 
serve them, they shall have power to levy the appointed 
penalties by distresse. pag. 147, sec. 1. 

67. It is the constant libertie of the free men of this 
plantation to choose yearly at the Court of Election out of 
the freemen all the General officers of this Jurisdiction. If 
they please to dischardge them at the day of Election by 
way of vote. They may do it without shewing cause. But 
if at any other generall Court, we hould it due justice, that 
the reasons thereof be alleadged and proved. By Generall 
officers we meane, our Governor, Deputy Governor, Assist- 
ants, Treasurer, Generall of our warres. And our Admirall 
at Sea, and such as are or hereafter may be of the like gen- 
rall nature, pag. 48, sec. 4. 

68. It is the libertie of the freemen to choose such de- 
puties for the Generall Court out of themselves, either in 
their owne Townes or elsewhere as they judge fitest. And 
because we cannot foresee what varietie and weight of oc- 
casions may fall into future consideration, And what coun- 
sells we may stand in neede of, we decree. That the De- 
puties (to attend the Generall Court in the behalfe of the 
Countrie) shall not any time be stated or inacted, but from 
Court to Court, or at the most but for one yeare, that the 



228 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

Countrie may have an Annuall libertie to do in that case 
what is most behoofefull for the best welfaire thereof. 
pag. 40, sec. 2. 

69. No Generall Court shall be desolved or adjourned 
without the consent of the Major parte thereof, pag. 35, 
sec. 5. 

70. All Freemen called to give any advise, vote, ver- 
dict, or sentence in any Court, Counsell, or Civill Assem- 
bly, shall have full freedome to doe it according to their 
true Judgements and Consciences, So it be done orderly 
and inofensively for the manner, pag. 153. 

71. The Governor shall have a casting voice whenso- 
ever an Equi vote shall fall out in the Court of Assistants, 
or generall assembly, So shall the presedent or moderator 
have in all Civill Courts or Assemblies, pag. 35, sec. 6. 

72. The Governor and Deputy Governor Joyntly con- 
senting or any three Assistants concurring in consent shall 
have power out of Court to reprive a condemned malefac- 
tour, till the next quarter or generall Court. The generall 
Court onely shall have power to pardon a condemned male- 
factor, pag. 35, sec. 4. 

73. The Generall Court hath libertie and Authoritie to 
send out any member of this Comanwealth of what qualitie, 
condition or office whatsoever into forreine parts about 
any publique message or Negotiation. Provided the partie 
sent be acquainted with the affaire he goeth about, and be 
willing to undertake the service, pag. 35, sec. 4. 

74. The freemen of every Towne or Towneship, shall 
have full power to choose yearly or for lesse time out of 
themselves a convenient number of fitt men to order the 
planting or prudential 1 occasions of that Towne, according 
to Instructions given them in writeing, Provided nothing 
be done by them contrary to the publique laws and orders 
of the Countrie, provided also the number of such select 
persons be not above nine. pag. 148, sec. 2. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts, 229 

75. It is and shall be the libertie of any member or 
members of any Court Councell or Civill Assembly in cases 
of makeing or executing any order or law, that properlie 
concerne religion, or any cause capitall, or warres, or Sub- 
scription to any publique Articles or Remonstrance, in case 
they cannot in Judgement and conscience consent to that 
way the Major vote or suffrage goes, to make their contra 
Remonstrance or protestation in speech or writeing, and 
upon request to have their dissent recorded in the Rolles of 
that Court. So it be done Christianlie and respectively for 
the manner. And their dissent onely be entered without 
the reasons thereof, for the avoiding of tediousnes. pag. 128. 

76. Whensoever any Jurie of trialls or Jurours are not 
cleare in their Judgements or consciences conserneing any 
cause wherein they are to give their verdict, They shall 
have libertie in open Court to advise with any man they 
thinke fitt to resolve or direct them, before they give in their 
verdict, pag. 87, sec. 5. 

77. In all cases wherein any freeman is to give his vote, 
be it in point of Election, makeing constitutions and orders 
or passing sentence in any case of Judicature or the like, if 
he cannot see reason to give it positively one way or an 
other, he shall have libertie to be silent, and not pressed to 
a determined vote. pag. 153. 

78. The Generall or publique Treasure or any parte 
thereof shall never be exspended but by the appointment of 
a Generall Court, nor any Shire Treasure, but by the ap- 
pointment of the freemen thereof, nor any Towne Treasurie 
but by the freemen of that Towneship. pag. 150, sec. 1, 2. 

Liberties of Woemen. 

79. If any man at his death shall not leave his wife a 
competent portion of his estaite, upon just complaint made 
to the Generall Court she shall be relieved. 

80. Everie marryed woeman shall be free from bodilie 
correction or stripes by her husband, unlesse it be in his 
3wne defence upon her assalt. If there be any just cause 

vol. viii. 29 



230 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

of correction complaint shall be made to Authoritie assem- 
bled in some Court, from which onelj she shall receive it. 
pag. 101, sec. 1. 

Liberties of Children. 

81. When parents dye intestate, the Elder sonne shall 
have a doble portion of his whole estate reall and personall, 
unlesse the Generall Court upon just cause alleadged shall 
judge otherwise, pag. 158, sec. 3. 

82. When parents dye intestate haveing noe heires 
males of their bodies their Daughters shall inherit as Co- 
partners, unles the Generall Court upon just reason shall 
judge otherwise, pag. 158, sec. 3. 

83. If any parents shall wilfullie and unreasonably deny 
any childe timely or convenient mariage, or shall exercise 
any unnaturall severitie towards them, such childeren shall 
have free libertie to complaine to Authoritie for redresse. 
pag. 28, sec. 5. 

84. No Orphan dureing their minoritie which was not 
committed to tuition or service by the parents in their life 
time, shall afterwards be absolutely disposed of by any kin- 
dred, freind, Executor, Towneship, or Church, nor by them- 
selves without the consent of some Court, wherein two As- 
sistants at least shall be present, pag. 28, sec. 6. 

Liberties of Servants. 

85. If any servants shall flee from the Tiranny and cruel- 
tie of their masters to the howse of any freeman of the same 
Towne, they shall be there protected and susteyned till due or- 
der be taken for their relife. Provided due notice thereof be 
speedily given to their maisters from whom they fled. And 
the next Assistant or Constable where the partie flying is 
harboured, pag. 105, sec. 6. 

86. No servant shall be put of for above a yeare to any 
other neither in the life time of their maister nor after their 
death by their Executors or Administrators unlesse it be by 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 231 

consent of Authoritie assembled in some Court or two Assist- 
ants, pag. 105, sec. 7. 

87. If any man smite out the eye or tooth of his man-ser- 
vant, or maid servant, or otherwise mayme or much disfig- 
ure him, unlesse it be by meere casualtie, he shall let them 
goe free from his service. And shall have such further 
recompense as the Court shall allow him. pag. 105, sec. 8. 

88. Servants that have served deligentlie and faithfully to 
the benefitt of their maisters seaven yeares, shall not be sent 
away emptie. And if any have bene unfaithfull, negligent 
or unprofitable in their service, notwithstanding the good 
usage of their maisters, they shall not be dismissed till they 
have made satisfaction according to the Judgement of Au- 
thoritie. pag. 105, sec. 9. 

Liberties of Forreiners and Strangers. 

89. If any people of other Nations professing the true 
Christian Religion shall flee to us from the Tiranny or op- 
pression of their persecutors, or from famyne, warres, or the 
like necessary and compulsarie cause, They shall be enter- 
tayned and succoured amongst us, according to that power 
and prudence, god shall give us. pag. 143. 

90. If any ships or other vessels, be it freind or enemy, 
shall suffer shipwrack upon our Coast, there shall be no vio- 
lence or wrong offerred to their persons or goods. But 
their persons shall be harboured, and relieved, and their 
goods preserved in safety till Authoritie may be certified 
thereof, and shall take further order therein, pag. 161. 

91. There shall never be any bond slaverie, villinage or 
Captivitie amongst us unles it be lawfull Captives taken in 
just warres, and such strangers as willingly selle themselves 
or are sold to us. And these shall have all the liberties and 
Christian usages which the law of god established in Israeli 
concerning such persons doeth morally require. This ex- 
empts none from servitude who shall be Judged thereto by 
Authoritie. pag. 10. 



232 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

Off the Bruite Creature. 

92. No man shall exercise any Tirranny or Crueltie to- 
wards any bruite Creature which are usuallie kept for man's 
use. pag. 39. 

93. If any man shall have occasion to leade or drive 
Cattel from place to place that is far of, so that they be 
weary, or hungry, or fall sick, or lambe, It shall be lawful to 
rest or refresh them, for a competent time, in any open place 
that is not Corne, meadow, or inclosed for some peculiar use. 
pag. 42. 

94. Capitall Laws. 
l. 

Deut! I?'. 2 6°" tf an J man a ^ ter tegaN conviction shall have 

Ex. 22. 20.' or worship any other god, but the lord god, he 

shall be put to death, pag. 14, sec. 1. 



Lev.^o. 1 !?. " an y man or woeman be a witch, (that is 

Dm. is. io. hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit,) They 
shall be put to death, sec. 2. 

3. 

If any person shall Blaspheme the name of god, the 

Lev 24. 15 i6 father, Sonne or Holie Ghost, with direct, ex- 

presse, presumptuous or high handed blasphe- 

mie, or shall curse god in the like manner, he shall be put 

to death, sec. 3. 



If any person committ any wilfull murther, which is man- 
Ex 2i 12 slaughter, committed upon premeditated mal- 



Numb. 35. 13, lice, hatred, or Crueltie, not in a mans neces 

14 30 31 . 

sarie and just defence, nor by meen 
against his will, he shall be put to death, sec. 4. 



Numb. 25, 2o, 2i. If any person slayeth an other suddaienly 
Lev. 24. i7. j n kjg an g er or Crueltie or passion, he shall be 
put to death, sec. 5. 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 233 



Ex. 21. 14. 



If any person shall slay an other through 
guile, either by poysoning or other such divelish practice, he 
shall be put to death, sec. 6. 



If any man or woeman shall lye with any beaste or bruite 
Lev. 20. i5i6. creature by Carnall Copulation, They shall 
surely be put to death. And the beast shall 
be slaine, and buried and not eaten, sec. 7. 



Lev. 20. i3. If any man lyeth with mankinde as he lyeth 

with a woeman, both of them have committed abhomination, 
they both shall surely be put to death, sec. 8. 



9. 



Lev. 20. 19, 



s , n If any person committeth Adultery with a 

Dut. 22. 23, 24. maried or espoused wife, the Adulterer and 
Adulteresse shall surely be put to death, sec. 9. 

10. 

Ex - 2116 - If any man stealeth a man or mankinde, he 

shall surely be put to death, sec. 10. 

n. 

Deut. 19.16, If any man rise up by false witnes, wittingly 

and of purpose to take away any mans life, he 
shall be put to death, sec. 11. 

12. 

If any man shall conspire and attempt any invasion, in- 
surrection, or publique rebellion against our commonwealth, 
or shall indeavour to surprize any Towne or Townes, fort 
or forts therein, or shall treacherously and perfediouslie at- 
tempt the alteration and subversion of our frame of politie 
or Government fundamentallie, he shall be put to death. 
sec. 12. 



234 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

95. A Declaration of the Liberties the Lord Jesus hath 
given to the Churches. 



All the people of god within this Jurisdiction who are not 
in a church way, and be orthodox in Judgement, and not 
scandalous in life, shall have full libertie to gather themselves 
into a Church Estaite. Provided they doe it in a Christian 
way, with due observation of the rules of Christ revealed in 
his word. pag. 43, sec. 1. 



Every Church hath full libertie to exercise all the ordi- 
nances of god, according to the rules of scripture, sec. 3. 

3. 

Every Church hath free libertie of Election and ordina- 
tion of all their officers from time to time, provided they be 
able, pious and orthodox, sec. 4. 



Every Church hath free libertie of Admission, Recom- 
mendation, Dismission, and Expulsion, or deposall of their 
officers, and members, upon due cause, with free exercise of 
the Discipline and Censures of Christ according to the rules 
of his word. sec. 5. 



No Injunctions are to be put upon any Church, Church 
officers or member in point of Doctrine, worship or Disci- 
pline, whether for substance or cercumstance besides the 
Institutions of the lord. sec. 6. 



Every Church of Christ hath freedome to celebrate dayes 
of fasting and prayer, and of thanksgiveing according to the 
word of god. sec. 7. 



£> v 



The Elders of Churches have free libertie to meete month- 
ly, Quarterly, or otherwise, in convenient numbers and places, 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 235 

for conferences, and consultations about Christian and Church 
questions and occasions, sec. 8. 

8. 

All Churches have libertie to deale with any of their 
members in a church way that are in the hand of Justice. 
So it be not to retard or hinder the course thereof, sec. 9. 



Every Church hath libertie to deale with any magestrate, 
Deputie of Court or other officer what soe ever that is a 
member in a church way in case of apparent and just offence 
given in their places, so it be done with due observance and 
respect, pag. 44, sec. 10. 

10. 

Wee allovve private meetings for edification in religion 
amongst Christians of all sortes of people. So it be without 
just offence for number, time, place, and other cercum- 
stances. sec. 12. 

n. 

For the preventing and removeing of errour and offence 
that may grow and spread in any of the Churches in this 
Jurisdiction, And for the preserveing of trueith and peace in 
the severall churches within themselves, and for the mainte- 
nance and exercise of brotherly communion, amongst all the 
churches in the Countrie, It is allowed and ratified, by the 
Authoritie of this Generall Court as a lawfull libertie of the 
Churches of Christ. That once in every month of the yeare 
(when the season will beare it) It shall be lawfull for the 
minesters and Elders, of the Churches neere adjoyneing to- 
gether, with any other of the breetheren with the consent of 
the churches to assemble by course in each severall Church 
one after an other. To the intent after the preaching of the 
word by such a minister as shall be requested thereto by the 
Elders of the church where the Assembly is held, The rest 
of the day may be spent in publique Christian Conference 
about the discussing and resolveing of any such doubts and 
cases of conscience concerning matter of doctrine or wor- 
ship or government of the church as shall be propounded by 



236 Early Laws of Massachusetts. 

any of the Breetheren of that church, with leave also to any 
other Brother to propound his objections or answeres for 
further satisfaction according to the word of god. Provided 
that the whole action be guided and moderated by the Eld- 
ers of the Church where the Assemblie is helde, or by such 
others as they shall appoint. And that no thing be conclud- 
ed and imposed by way of Authoritie from one or more 
churches upon an other, but onely by way of Brotherly con- 
ference and consultations. That the trueth may be search- 
ed out to the satisfying of every mans conscience in the sight 
of god according his worde. And because such an Assem- 
bly and the worke thereof can not be duely attended to if 
other lectures be held in the same weeke. It is therefore 
agreed with the consent of the Churches. That in that 
weeke when such an Assembly is held, All the lectures in 
all the neighbouring Churches for that weeke shall be for- 
borne. That so the publique service of Christ in this more 
solemne Assembly may be transacted with greater deligence 
and attention. 

96. Howsoever these above specified rites, freedomes 
Immunities, Authorites and priveledges, both Civill and Ec- 
clesiastical are expressed onely under the name and title of 
Liberties, and not in the exact forme of Laws or Statutes, 
yet we do with one consent fullie Authorise, and earnestly 
intreate all that are and shall be in Authoritie to consider 
them as laws, and not to faile to inflict condigne and propor- 
tionable punishments upon every man impartiallie, that shall 
infringe or violate any of them. 

97. Wee likewise give full power and libertie to any per- 
son that shall at any time be denyed or deprived of any of 
them, to commence and prosecute their suite, Complaint or 
action against any man that shall so doe in any Court that 
hath proper Cognizance or judicature thereof. 

98. Lastly because our dutie and desire is to do nothing 
suddainlie which fundamentally concerne us, we decree that 
these rites and liberties, shall be Audably read and deliber- 
ately weighed at every Generall Court that shall be held, 
within three yeares next insueing, And such of them as shall 



Early Laws of Massachusetts. 237 

not be altered or repealed they shall stand so ratified, That 
no man shall infringe them without due punishment. 

And if any Generall Court within these next thre yeares 
shall faile or forget to reade and consider them as abovesaid. 
The Governor and Deputy Governor for the time being, and 
every Assistant present at such Courts, shall forfeite 2Jsh. a 
man, and everie Deputie lOsh. a man for each neglect, 
which shall be paid out of their proper estate, and not by the 
Country or the Townes which choose them, and whenso- 
ever there shall arise any question in any Court amonge the 
Assistants and Associates thereof about the explanation of 
these Rites and liberties, The Generall Court onely shall 
have power to interprets them. 



VOL. VIII. 30 



[This order in Council is in the same manuscript with the 
preceding article. Part of it is printed in Chalmers, p. 
505, ^-c. It is here complete.] 

AT THE COURT AT WHITEHALL, THE 20th JULY, 1677. 

PRESENT. 



Lord Chancellor, 
Lord Treasurer, 
Lord Privy seal, 
Duke of Ormond, 
Marquis of Worcester, 
Lord Chamberlain, 
Earl of Northampton, 
Earl of Peterborough, 
Earl of Sunderland, 
Earl of Bath, 



Earl of Craven, 

Lord Bishop of London, 

Lord Maynard, 

L( rd Berkeley, 

Mr. Vice Chancellor, 

Mr. Secretary Coventry, 

Mr. Secretary Williamson, 

Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, 

Master of the Ordinance, 

Mr. Speaker. 



Whereas the Right honorable the Lords of the Committee 
for trade and plantations did, in pursuance of an order of 
the 7th February last, make a report to the Lords of the 
matters in controversy between the Corporation of the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay in New England and Mr. Mason, Mr. Gorges 
touching the right of soil and government claimed by the 
said parties in certain lands there, by virtue of several grants 
from his majesties royal father and grandfather as followeth 
in hcec verba : 

May it please your Majesty, 

Having received your Majesty's order in Council of the 
7th February last past, whereby we are directed to enter 



Order in Council. 239 

into the examination of the bounds and limits, which the 
Corporation of the Massachusetts Bay in New England on 
the one hand, and Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges on the other 
do pretend by their several grants and patents to have been 
assigned unto them, as also to examine the patent and 
charters which are insisted on by either side, in order to 
find out and settle how far the rights of soil or government 
do belong unto any of them ; in the consideration whereof 
the Lords Chief Justices of your Majesty's courts of Bench 
and Common Pleas were appointed to give us their assist- 
ance, we did on the 5th April last, together with said Lords 
chief Justices, meet in obedience to your Majesty's com- 
mands, and having heard both parties by their counsel 
learned in the law, we did recommend unto their Lordships 
to receive a state of the claims made by both parties and to 
return their opinions upon the whole matter unto us, which 
their Lordships have accordingly performed in the words 
following : 

In obedience to your Lordship's order we appointed a 
day for the hearing of all parties and considering the matter 
referred, having received from them such papers of their 
cases, as they were pleased to deliver, at which time all 
parties appearing, the Respondents did disclaim title to the 
lands claimed by the Petitioners, and it appeared to us, that 
the said lands are in the possession of several other persons 
not before us, whereupon we thought not fit to examine any 
claims to the said lands, it being in our opinion improper to 
judge of any title of land without hearing of the Tertenants 
or some other person in their behalf; and if there be any 
Court of Justice upon the place, we esteem most proper to 
direct the parties to have recourse thither for the decision of 
any question of propriety, until it shall appear, that there is 
just cause of complaint against the Courts of Justice there 
for injustice or grievance. 

We did in the presence of said parties examine their 
several claims to the government. And the Petitioners 
having waived the pretence of a grant of government from 
the council of Plymouth, wherein they were convinced by 
their own counsel, that no such power or jurisdiction could 
be transferred or assigned by any colour of law, the question 
was reduced to the Province of Maine, whereto the Peti- 



240 Order in Council. 

tioner Gorges made his title by a grant from King Charles 
the first, in the fifteenth year of his reign, made to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges and his heirs of the Province of Maine and 
the government thereof. In answer to this, the Respondents 
alleged, that long before, viz. in quarto Car. I. the govern- 
ment was granted to them, and produced copies of letters 
patent, wherein it is recited, that the Council of Plymouth 
having granted to certain persons Territories thus described 
viz. All that part of New England in America, which lies 
and extends between a great river there commonly called 
Monomak or Merrimack, and a certain other river there 
called Charles river, being in the bottom of a certain Bay 
there called the Massachusetts Bay, and also all and singular 
the lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying and being 
within the space of three English miles on the south part of 
the said Charles river or of any or every part thereof; and 
also all and singular the lands and heriditaments whatsoever 
lying and being within the space of three English miles to 
the southernmost part of the said Bay called Massachusetts 
Bay, and all those lands and hereditaments whatsoever which 
lie and be within the space of three English miles to the 
northward of the said river called Monomak alias Merrimack 
or to the northward of any and every part thereof, and all 
lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying within the limits 
aforesaid north and south in latitude and breadth, and in 
length and longitude of and within all the breadth aforesaid 
throughout the main lands there from the Atlantic and west- 
ern sea and ocean on the east part to the south sea on the 
west. By the said letters patent the king confirmed that 
grant, made them a Corporation, and gave them power to 
make laws for the governing of the lands and people therein. 

To this it was replied ; that the patent of the 4th Charles 
1st, is invalid. 1. Because there was a patent granted 
18 Jacobi, of the same thing then in being, which patent 
was surrendered afterwards and before the date of the 
other 15 Charles 1st. 2. The grant of the government 
can extend no further than the ownership of the soil, the 
boundaries of which are recited in the patent, wholly excludes 
the Province of Maine, which lies northward more than 
three miles beyond the river Merrimack. 

We having considered these matters, do humbly conceive 



Order in Council. 241 

as to the first matter, that the patent of the 4th Charles 
1st is good notwithstanding the grant made 18 Jacobi, 
for it appeared to us by recital in the patent 4th Charles 
1st that the Council of Plymouth had granted away all their 
interest in the lands the year before, and it must be pre- 
sumed they then deserted the government, whereupon it 
was lawful and necessary for the king to establish a suitable 
frame of government, according to his royal wisdom, which 
w T as by the patent 4th Charles 1st, making the adventurers 
a corporation upon the place. 

As to the second matter, it seems to us to be very clear, 
that the grant of the government 4th Charles 1st, extends 
no further than the boundaries expressed in the patent, and 
those boundaries cannot be construed to extend farther 
northwards along the river Merrimack than three English 
miles. For the north and south bounds of the lands granted, 
so far as the rivers extend, are to follow the course of the 
rivers, which made the breadth of the grant. And the 
words describing the length to comprehend all the lines from 
the Atlantic ocean to the South sea, of and in all the breadth 
aforesaid, do not warrant the overreaching of those bounds 
by imaginary lines or bounds. Other expressions would (in 
our humble opinion) be unreasonable and against the intent 
of the grant. The words of and in all the breadth afterward, 
show the breadth was not intended an imaginary line of 
breadth laid upon the broader part; but the breadth respects 
the continuance of the boundaries by the rivers as far as the 
rivers go, but w 7 here the known boundary of breadth deter- 
mines, it must be carried on by imaginary lines to the South 
sea. And if the Province of Maine lies more northerly than 
three English miles from the river Merrimack the patent of 
4th Charles 1st gives no right to govern there, and there- 
upon the patent of the same 15th Charles 1st to the Peti- 
tioner Gorges will be valid. 

So that upon the whole matter we are humbly of opinion, 
as to the power of government, that the respondents the 
Massachusetts and their successors by their patent 4° 
Martii 4° Caroli primi have such rights of government as is 
granted them by the same patent, within the boundaries of 
their lands expressed therein, according to such description 
and expression as we have thereof made as aforesaid. And 



242 Order in Council. 

the Petitioner Sir Ferdinando Gorges his heirs and assigns 
by the patent third April, 15th Charles 1st, have such right 
of government as is granted them by the same patent within 
the lands called the Province of Maine according: to the 
boundaries of the same expressed in the same patent. 

Rich Rainsford, 
Fra North. 

All which being the opinion of the Lords chief Justices 
and fully agreeing with what we have to report unto your 
Majesty upon the whole matter referred unto us by the said 
order, we humbly submit the determination thereof to your 
Majesty. 

Anglesey, Craven, J. Williamson, 

Ormond, H. London, Tho. Chicheley, 

Bath, G. Carteret, Edw. Seymour. 

Which having been read at the Board the 18th inst., it 
was then ordered, that the said Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges, 
as also the agents for the Corporation of the Massachusetts 
Bay, should be this day heard upon the said report, if they 
have any objections to make thereunto. In pursuance 
whereof all parties attending with their counsell who not 
alledging any thing so material as to prevail with his Majesty 
and the Board to differ in judgment from the said report, his 
majesty thereupon pleased to approve and confirm the same 
and did order, that all parties do acquiesce therein, and to 
contribute what lies in them to the punctual and due per- 
formance of the said report as there shall be occasion. 

John Nicholes. 



Gleanings for New England History. By James Savage, 
LL. D., A. A. S., S. H. Pr. 



Collegisse juvat. 

During the summer months of 1842, in a visit to England, 
I was chiefly occupied with searching for materials to illus- 
trate our early annals ; and although disappointment was a 
natural consequence of some sanguine expectations, yet labor 
was followed by success in several. Accident threw in my 
way richer acquisitions which were secured with diligence. 

First among my successful perquisitions was the will of 
Isaac Johnson, Esquire, husband of the lady Arbella, daugh- 
ter of the Earl of Lincoln, and often regarded (especially by 
the first chief Justice Sewall, see Prince's Annals, pp. 316 
and 319 of Ed. 1826) as the founder of our city of Boston. 
Governor Hutchinson, in a note on p. 16 of Vol. I. gives 
several provisions of a will, executed April 28 in the 5th of 
Charles I. i. e. 1629, in his time remaining on the Massa- 
chusetts files, but which Mr. Felt has not been so happy as 
to discover. In the same note, he says Johnson made 
another will before his death, and appointed John Hampden, 
Esquire, one of his executors, with Winthrop and Dudley. 
This instrument of 8th March following, though of near a year 
later date, is, also, of 5th of Charles I. his accession being 
27th March, 1625, two days only after the new year by old 
style. I asked a copy of it, but was careful enough to exam- 
ine that copy by the original Record. Some slight correc- 
tions, after the attestation, were found necessary, in my 
opinion, to express the exact truth. 



244 Gleanings for New England History. 

" Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of 

Canterbury. 
In the name of God Amen I Isaack Johnson beinge by 
the Grace of God forthwith to undertake a voyage into New 
England in America and well weighing the uncertaine con- 
dicon of all earthly things and especially of the life of man 
Do for the * pnte dispose of my personall estate in manner 
and forme following And first whereas I have already in and 
by the same deed by wch I have settled the inheritance 
of all my lands tenements and hereditaments in such sorte 
manner and forme as my earnest desire is the same should 
goe and bee enjoyed in case I should happen to dye without 
issue of my body lawfully begotten disposed all those my 
inclosed grounds in Brandeston commonly called the Bury 
field unto the use of Richard Knightly Frauncis Nicholls John 
Readinge Esquires John Butler John Smith and John 
Holled gents for the terme of one and twenty years from 
the time of my death To the intent that they and the sur- 
vivor of them and the Executors and administrators of the 
survivor of them should dispose thereof and of the rents 
issues and profitts thereof during the said terme to such 
pson and persons and in such sorte manner and forme and 
under such provisoes condicons and limitacons as I by my 
last Will and Testament in writing or by any other writing 
by me subscribed shall lymitt sett downe and appointe I 
doe by this my pnte last Will and Testament lymitt sett 
downe and appointe that they my said trustees and the 
survivor of them and the executors and administrators of the 
survivor of them shall dispose of such of the rents issues and 
profitts of the said Bury feilde as shall amount to the full 
satisfaccon and value of all such debts as I shall owe at the 
time of my decease to and for the payment and satisfaction 
thereof and that my said debts and all monies that shall 
growe due for or in respect of the forbearance thereof shal 
bee first paide out of the said rents issues and profitts And 
that after my debts paid they my said trustees shall dispose 
of the rest and residue of the said terme of one and twentie 
years which shal bee then to come and unexpired And of 
the rents issues and profitts of the said Bury feilde during 

* Abbreviation, in the engrossing hand, for present. 



Gleanings for New England History. 245 

the said residue of the said terme In manner following vizt. 
onethird parte thereof to Mr. Abraham Johnson my father 
another third part thereof the whole in three equall parts to 
be divided to and amonge my bretheren and sister the rest 
of the children of my said father that shal be then livinge 
and the remayninge third pte thereof to my executors to be 
disposed by them to and amonge such of my poore kindred as 
they shall thinke fitt and doe also hereby bequeath after the 
payment of my debts and legacies one third pte of my other 
psonall estate wch I shall have in England at the time of 
my death the whole in three equall parts to be divided to 
my said father another third parte thereof to and among 
my said bretheren and sister and the remayning third pte 
thereof my will is my executors shall dispose to and amonge 
such of my poore kindred as they shall thinke fitt And as to 
such of my psonall estate as I shall have in New England 
in America or in any other place then in the Kingdome of 
England att the time of my death my will and minde is that 
the right honourable the Lady Arbella my wife shall after 
my debts and other Legacies paid have one third pte thereof 
(the whole in three ptes to be equally divided) And that 
one third pte of the remayning two parts (the said two 
partes in three to be divided) shall goe and be disposed to the 
Governor and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New 
England aforesaid to and for the benefitt of their plantacons 
there And that the residue thereof shall goe and be equallie 
divided amonge my said brethren and sister And I doe 
make and constitute John Hampden of Hampden in the 
countie of Buckingham Esquire John Winthrop of Groton in 
the countie of Sufk. Esquire and the said John Reading and 
John Holled and Thomas Dudley of Clipsham in the countie 
of Rutland Esquire to be the executors of this my last Will 
and doe give unto the said John Hampden three pounds of 
lawfull monies to make him a ringe of and for the like unto 
the said John Winthrop Thomas Dudley and John Holled 
five pounds apeece of like lawfull monies And to the said 
John Reading Tenn pounds of like monies for their paynes 
and care to bee taken in the execution of this my Will In 
Witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and seale the 
eighth day of March Anno Dom. 1629 And I doe hereby 
revoke all other Wills Isa Johnson 

VOL. VIII. 31 



246 Gleanings for Neiv England History. 

Signed sealed and published thees two sheets to bee my 
last Will in the presence of Ric Fitche Philip Johnson 
Edward Greene. 

Probatum fuit testamenturn supradictum apud London 
coram venerabili viro domino Henrico 1 Marten milite legum 
doctore Curiae Prerogative Cantuariensis magistro custode 
sive Comissario legitime constitute primo die mensis Julii 
anno dmni millesimo sexcentesimo tricesimo primo Jura- 
mento Johannis Reading unius executorum in hujusmodi 
testamento nominatorum cui Commissa administratio omnium 
et singulorum bonorum jurium et creditorum dicti defu-ncti 
de bene et fideliter administrando eadem ad Sancta Dei 
Evangelia Jurato Reservata potestate similem Commissionem 
faciend Johanni Hampden Johanni Winthropp Johanni Holled 
et Thomae, Dudley Ceteris Executoribus etiam in hujusmodi 
testamento nominatis cum venerint seu alter eorum venerit 
eandem petitur. Chas Dyjveley } 

John Iggulden > Deputy Registers. 
W F Gostling ) 

Interest, by a greater number, no doubt, in our country, 
will be found in the result of investigations at Cambridge 
and Oxford. The records, at least those preceding the 
middle of the seventeenth century, examined by me, are kept 
on very different plans at the two Universities. Resort must 
be had to the registry of the particular College, at which a 
student is entered, in Cambridge, to ascertain the time of 
such entry, but the University registry gives the date of 
matriculation, (which may be long after,) shows also the 
College of which he is then a member, (and this may be a 
different one from that in which he began,) and exhibits 
under each year the catalogue of the several degrees. Re- 
fore 1604 the number only of bachelors is found, without 
their names ; so that it is uncertain in what year Peter 
Bulkley, John Cotton, Robert Peck, John Robinson or 
Nathaniel Ward received their first degrees, though we 
know such honors were conferred, from the annunciation of 
their rank as masters under their respective years. An 
index, generally very accurate, facilitates much the inquiry 

1 Sir Henry Marten, LL. D., judge of the Prerogative Court, was father of Henry 
Marten, the regicide, who was not executed, being spared, Bishop Burnet thinks, on 
account of his vice and blasphemy, which helped him to many friends. 



Gleanings for New England History, 247 

for graduates. The matriculation book shows the several 
orders, or styles of living, in which students are entered, as 
Richard * Saltonstall, Mr. 1 Convictus, i. e. Fellow commoner, 
matriculated 14th Deer. 1627; John Harvard, 2 Con v. in the 
second order of living, i. e. pensioner, or one who pays his own 
expenses, matriculated 7th July, 1631 ; and Simon Brad- 
street, in third order, L e. a sizer, one who needs assistance, 
matriculated 9th July, 1618. At Oxford, on the contrary, 
all the students subscribe their names in one book to certain 
Articles on matriculation ; and in another volume, under 
each College, in every year, is entered each student's name 
with a description, as in the list will be shown. No sub- 
scription, however, even on receiving the degrees, was 
required at Cambridge previous to 1616; and the order of 
the Royal pedant, introducing this innovation, was for a 
season resisted by the University. One advantage of sub- 
scription, besides that of the handw T riting, is, that it gives the 
manner of spelling the name at the same time. 

Without success I sought for the names of some of the 
reverend fathers of New England, at Cambridge ; and leave 
to more persevering inquiry than was within my power, at 
Oxford, to find John Avery, Francis Dane, Nathaniel Eaton, 
Henry Green, Robert Lenthall, John Maverick, Thomas 
May hew, Roger Newton, Edward Norris, James Parker, 
Peter Prudden and John Warham, or either of them. Am- 
ple satisfaction for my search will be seen in the following 
list of early settlers in our country, including three most 
eminent promoters of our cause, who came not over, who 
were graduates at the University of Cambridge : 

* Allen, Tho„ of Gonville and Cams Coll. A. B. 1627 A. M. 1631 

Ames, William, Christs 1607 

*Blaxion, William, Emanuel 1617 1621 

*Bradstreet, Simon, " 1620 1624 

Bulkley, Peter, St. Johns 1608 

*Burre, Jonathan, 2 Bennet 1623 1627 

♦Carter, Thomas, St. Johns 1629 1633 

*Chauncey, Charles, Trinity 1613 1617 b.d.i 62 4. 

*Child, Rohert, Bennet 1631 1635 

Cotton, John, Trinity 1606 

Dalton, Timothy, St. Johns 1613 . 

*Denton, Richard, Catherine Hall 1623 

1 He did not have a degree, probably because he left the University, before finish- 
ing his studies, to accompany his lather, Sir Richard, to our country in April 1630. 
* Since called Corpus Christi. 



248 



Gleanings for New England History. 



^Dudley, 1 Thomas, 
*Dunster, Henry, 
*Eaton, Samuel, 
*Eliot, John, 
*Fisk, John, 
*Gibson, Richard, 
*Harvard, John, 

Higginson, Francis, 

Hooker, Thomas, 
*Hubberd, Peter, 
*James, Thomas, 
# Leverich, William, 

Maude, Daniel, 
*Miller, John, 
*Milton, John, 
*Moxon, George 
*Norcrosse, Nathaniel, 
^Norton, John, 

Peck, Robert, 
*Pierson, Abraham, 
*Peters, Hugh, 
*Phillipps, George, 
^Phillips, John, 

Robinson, John, 

Rogers, Ezekiel, 
^Rogers, Nathaniel, 
*Shepard, Thomas, 
*Sherman, 2 John, 

Skelton, Samuel, 

Smith, Ralph, 
*Stone, Samuel 
*Symmes, Zacharye, 
*\Valton, William, 
*Ward, John, 

Ward, Nathaniel, 
*Welde, Thomas, 
*Wheelocke, Ralph, 
# Wheelwright, John, 
*Whiting, Samuel, 

Wilson, John, 



Emanuel 

Magdalen 

Jesus 

Kings 

Magdalen 

Emanuel 

Jesus 

Emanuel 

Magdalen 

Emanuel 



Gon. and Caius 

Christs 

Sydney 

Catherine Hall 

Peterhouse 

Magdalen 

Trinity 
« 

Gon. and Caius 
Emanuel 

Bennet 
Emanuel 

Trinity 
Clare Hall 
Christs 
Emanuel 



Trinity 
Clare Hall 
Sydney 
Emanuel 
Christs 



B. 1626 
1630 
1624 
1622 
1625 
1635 
1631 
1609 
1607 
1625 
1614 
1625 
1606 
1627 
1628 
1623 
1636 
1623 

1632 
1617 
1613 
1614 

1604 
1617 
1623 
1629 
1611 
1613 
1623 
1620 
1621 
1626 

1613 
1626 
1614 
1616 

1605 



A. M. 1630 
1634 

1628 



St. John's 



1635 
1613 
1611 
1629 
1618 
1631 
1610 



in quite a 
plain hand. 



16 



oo S i° a beauti- 
°^i ful baud. 



1627 
1603 

1622 
1617 
1618 

1600 B.D.1607. 

Christs 160S 
1621 
1627 
1633 
1615 

1627 

1625 
1630 
1603 
1618 

1631 
1618 
1620 
1609 



Those marked with a star had all subscribed, as in every 
instance I saw. 

Further research, by the Rev. Joseph Romilly, Registrar 
of the University, enabled him, some weeks later, to enlarge 
my list by the four additional names : 



Baker, Nicholas, 


St. Johns 


A. B. 1631 


A. M. 1635 


Reyner, John, 


Magdalen 


1625 





Saxton, Peter, 


Trinity 





1603 


Wetherill, William, 


Bennet 


1622 


1626 



1 Whether this were a son of Governor Dudley is uncertain, but not improbable. 

2 In the Index of graduates in the University, I detected, 12 July, an error of date 
against this name, which, on turning to the original record of the Senate, was forth- 
with corrected by the Registrar of the University. 



Gleanings for New England History. 249 

with the further information about this last : " He wrote his 
name in two different ways, first, Wil. Weatherill, 2 Wil. 
Wetherill," and he adds, that in searching for Henry Flint, 
Hansard Knollys, John Lothrop and Henry Whitfield, he had 
been unsuccessful. 

By the Rev. Dr. Archdale, Master of Emanuel, and Vice 
Chancellor of the University, the register of students admit- 
ted at that house was shown me ; but in the parts examined 
by me it was only copy of an older book. Of the other 
Colleges and Halls I was unable to see the registers, because 
it was vacation. Search among them would be interesting, 
as they contain, of course, names of those who did not re- 
main to receive degrees, as well as those who did. The time 
from entry to first degree, which is conferred in January, 
varies in several instances. Of the entry at Emannel I took 
only these names : 

Robinson, John, 1592 Ward, Nathaniel, 1596 

Phillips, John, 1611 Whiting, Samuel, 1613 

Rogers, Nathaniel, 1614 1 Bradstreet, Simon, 1617 

Symmes, Zacharye, 1617 Shepard, Thomas, 1619 

Stone, Samuel, 1620 Ward, John, 1622 

Saltonstall, Richard, 1627 Harvard, John, 162S 

Greater satisfaction is felt in examination of the registries 
at Oxford, though a longer time is required for the search 
than at Cambridge. Of graduates here the list in Wood's 
Fasti goes back far enough for our purposes, but the printed 
Catalogue of Cambridge begins with the Restoration in 1660. 
My transcription of students admitted to matriculation is very 
slender result of two days' work : 

"^Edes Christi Adam Blakeman 23 May 1617 Staffordiensis plebei filius 
annos natus 19." 

"Aula Magdalensis 12 Novr. 1619 Herbertus Pelham Lincoln. Eq. Aura- 
tifil. an. nat.18." 

"^nei Nasi 28 Jan. 1619 William Tompson Lancast. Pleb. fil. an. 
natus 22." 

"Collegium Trinit. 3 Mart. 1619 Samuel Newman Oxon. pleb. fil. an. 
nat. 17." 

"Collegium Trinit. 19 May 1620 William Hooke Southamptoniensis Gene- 
rosi filius annos natus 19." 

1 From Mather we should receive the impression, that Bradstreet was not able to 
remain at the University long enough to receive its honors : and Farmer following 
him makes him " one year at Emanuel College." He must have given three years 
to earn his bacalaureate, and perhaps nearly four more for his master's degree. 



250 Gleanings for New England History, 

"Colleg. Lincolniense 20 Junii 1623 Joh. Oxenbridge Northampt. fil. 1 Dan- 
ielis Oxenbridge de 2 Dentrie in Com. pred. Doctoris an. nat. 18. ' r 

"Colleg. Magdalens. 27 Junii 1623 Joh. Allen Oxon. fil. Roberti Allen de 
Horley in Corn. pred. pleb. an. nat. 18." 

"Colleg. Omnium animarum 20 Feb. 1623 Marmadukus Mathews Glamor- 
gan, fil. Mathsei Mathews de Swan.^ey in Com. pred. pleb. an. nat. 18." 

" Colleg. Jesu 30 April 1624 Johannes Jones 3 Monuensis fil. Gul. Jones de 
Abergevenia in com. pred. Plebei. annos natus 17." 

"Hospitium Novum 18 Febr. 1624 Francis Bright London, fil. Edoardi 
Bright de Londo. pi. an. nat. 22." 

"Colleg. Lincoln. 16to. Martii 1626 Elias Corlet London, fil. Henrici Corlet 
de London, pleb. annos nat. 17." 

"Aula Magdalens. 16 Mart. 1648 Jac. Allen." 

Of all the preceding names, subscribed by the parties, ex- 
cept the last, I saw the proof. Perhaps, after the overthrow 
of the government a few years earlier, subscription was not 
required. Pelham's is in a beautiful hand at the top of the 
list for the year in his college. 

My time was too limited, at Oxford, to permit all the in- 
vestigations that would be agreeable. Many were entered 
at the University, without being matriculated afterwards ; 
and many matriculated, no doubt, abandoned their rights 
without reaching the honor of a degree, that would entitle 
their names to entry in the Fasti. Some happier visiter 
may increase my list. 

Of the age of Samuel Newman the foregoing entry ena- 
bles us to correct the errors of the Magnalia and of Increase 
Mather. From the latter, in Wood's Athense III. 648, let- 
ters are quoted " that he thinks Mr. Sam. Newman, author 
of the Concordance, was born in Yorkshire, and that (as he 
takes it) he was in the 65th year of his age when he died." 
No doubt his years were less than sixty-two. The Regis- 
ter of Banbury, in Oxford, proves that the clergyman of that 
parish "baptized May 24, 1602 Samuel Newman, son of 
Richard Newman." The Fasti of Wood I. 392 sub an. 
1620 gives him of "St. Edmund Hall A. B. 17 Oct." A 

1 The excellent Editor of Wood's Athena? supplies this certificate : 

" iEdes Christi 1590 Oetob. 30 Daniell Oxenbridg Warwicke Minister verb, dei 
getat 17." Reg. Matric. P. fol. 28. 

He proceeded Bachelor of Arts May 9, 1593, and Master of Arts at the Act 1596. 
Became Bachelor of Medicine with licence to practise, and D. of Med. May 23, 1620. 
The above the father of John Oxenbridge of Boston, Massachusetts 

Philip Bliss, 

July 28 1842. Registrar of the University. 

2 Usually written Daventry, though pronounced according to the text. 

3 Anglice, of Monmouth. 



Gleanings for New England History. 251 

relation to Yorkshire he certainly had, for I find in the His- 
tory of Hallamshire, by Rev. Jos. Hunter, folio, London, 
1819, p. 283, Samuel Newman was presented to the chapel 
of Midhope in Yorkshire, 1625; and that Mat. Booth, his 
successor, was presented in 1635. 

A partial deficiency of records of the Unversity, " during 
the usurpation times," excluded me from information, prob- 
ably, about Rev. Charles Morton, and from something more 
than is told of Samuel Lee in the Fasti 11. 1 1 1, sub an. 1648, 
14 April, when he was created M. A. being of Magdalen 
Hall ; and, again, when Oliver Cromwell was Chancellor, 
ib. 164 sub an 1651, 9 April, where his name stands the 
second proctor, and " fellow of Wadham College" is added. 
Wood says " the junior proctor being not of sufficient stand- 
ing in the degree of master 1 for the taking on him the pro- 
curatorial office, at which time he was elected by the society 
of his coll. the visiters dispensed with it by their order, dat. 
22 Mar. 1650." 

For our William Hooke, of New Haven, in the foregoing 
list, the Fasti I. 392, mentions his admission to B. A. 28 
June 1620 and ib. 411 M. A. 7 July 1623, but this last 
mentioned day is an error, as, on reference to the original 
register O. fol. 260 of the University, it appears 26 May in 
that year. 

Henry Saltonstall and William Stoughton, sons of our 
own college, we know were created fellows of New College 
at Oxford, and that the latter is not named in the Fasti ; but 
of the former is this notice: II. 172 sub an. 1652 "June 24, 
Henr. Saltonstall, a knight's son, fellow of New Coll. by the 
favour of the visitors, and doct. of phys. of Padua was then 
incorporated. The said degree he took at Padua in Oct. 
1649." This made me curious to see the records of New 
College, which Dr. Williams, the Warden, exhibited, and 
permitted extracts from the list of Fellows : " Henr. Salton- 
stall 1653-1657, Med. Dr. Patavii and Oxoniae, Equ. aurati 
filius Author. Pari. 1650. 

" Gul. Stoughton A. Mr. antehac Acad. Nov. Angliae gra- 
duatus, hie positus auth. Pari, rege reduci discessit 1660." 
Here is, I suppose, a sufficient protest against such intrusion. 

1 Four years standing, as master of arts, is by the Statutes, the Registrar informed 
me, the qualification of eligibility for a proctor. 



252 Gleanings for New England instory. 

Perhaps the acquisition most valuable in the opinion of 
our local antiquaries is my copious extracts from a MS. vol- 
ume in folio at the Augmentation Office (so called), where 
Rev. Joseph Hunter, one of the Record Commissioners, 
presides, in Rolls Court, Westminster Hall. It contains the 
names of persons, permitted to embark, at the port of Lon- 
don, after Christmas 1634, to the same period in the follow- 
ing year, kept generally in regular succession. This was 
found only a few months since, and may not have been seen 
by more than two or three persons for two hundred years. 

The first page is for names of a few soldiers to serve un- 
der Capt. Prichard at Gottenburgh ; the 2d, 3d and part of 
4th pages are for persons bound to Virginia ; the next list is 
for St. Christophers ; then twelve several short lists of sol- 
diers going on service, then a long list to go in the Hope- 
well, Thomas Wood, master, to Barbadoes, entered 17th 
Feb'ry ; then nine lists of soldiers for different parts of Flan- 
ders or other countries. 

But on p. 16, I find, "11 March 1634, theis underwritten 
names are to be transported to New England, having brought 
certificate from the Justices of the Peace &, Ministers of 
the parish of St. Egyd. Cripplegate, the party hath taken 
the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. Peter Howson, 31 
years, and his wife Ellin Howson, 39 years old, and Turris 
Lond. (parish,) Thomas Stares 31 years, Susan Johnson 
12." Under 16 Mar. "to New England, imbarqued in the 
Christopher de Lo[ndon] John White, master, bound thither, 
the men have taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy. 



Francis Stiles, 


35 yeres. 


George Chappell, 


20 yeres. 


Thomas Basset, 


37 


Robert Robinson, 


45 


Thomas Stiles, 


20 


Edward Patteson, 


33 


Thomas Barker, 


21 


Francis Marshall, 


30 


Jo. Dyer, 


28 


Rich. Heyles, 


22 


Jo. Harris, 


28 


Tho. Halford, 


20 


James Horwood, 


30 


Tho. Hauksworth, 


23 


Jo. Reeves, 


19 


Jo. Stiles, 


35 


Tho. Foulfoot, 


22 


Henry Stiles, 


40 


James Busket, 


28 


Jane Morden, 


30 


Tho. Cooper, 


18 


Joan Stiles, 


35 


Edward Preston, 


13 


Henry Stiles, 


3 


Jo. Gruhb, 


30 


Jo. Stiles, 


9 mo. 


Mildred Bredstreet, 




Rachell Stiles, 


28 



After this many lists of soldiers succeed ; but, p. 22, comes 
"22 Mar. 1634, theis underwritten names are to be im- 



Gleanings for New England History. 



253 



barqued in the Planter, Nie. Trarice, master, bound for New 
England, per certificate from Stepney parish, & attestacon 
from Sir Tho. Jay & Mr. Simon Muskett, two Justices of 
the Peace ; the men have taken the oath of supremacy and 
allegiance. 



a sawyer 
glover 



Nicholas Davies, 
Sara Davies, 
Joseph Davies, 
William Locke, 
Jo. Maddox, 
James Launin, 



40 yeres. 
48 
13 
6 

43 
26 



Robert Stevens, 
John More, 
James Haieward, 
Judith Phippin, 



22 
24 
22 
16 



a sawyer ) 
a laborer 



l 03 

f c 

s 

) nf 



Next come embarkations 26 Mar. 1635, for Barbadoes 
and St. Christophers ; but, p. 23, I find " 1 Apr. in the 
Hopewell of London, Wm. Burdocke, for New England, 



Jo. Cooper, 41 yeres. 
Edmond Farrington, 47 

Wm. Purryer, 36 

Geo. Griggs, 42 

Phillip Kyrtland, 21 

Nath'l. Kyrtland, 19 
Tho. Griggs, 15 1 
Wm. Griggs, 14 | 



of Oney in Buckinghamshire 



Eliz. Griggs, 
Mary Griggs, 
James Griggs, 
Mary Cooper, 
Jo. Cooper, 
Tho. Cooper, 
Martha Cooper, 5 J 

Mary Purryer, 7 
Sara Purryer, 5 
Nathan Purryer, 18 m 



Children of 
10 ^-Geo. Griggs 
6 | aforesaid 

2) 

J?"] Children of 
« > John Cooper 
c aforesaid 



of Landon 
of Sherington 
of Sherington 
Wibroe, 
Elizabeth, 
Alyce, 
Alyce, 



Buckinghamsh. 



Theis have 
taken the othe 
of allegiance 
and suprem- 
acy. 



42 yeres, wife of Jo. Cooper 
49 wife of Edmond Farrington 
37 wife of Wm. Purryer 
42 wife of Geo. Grists 



J 



Philip Phillips, 
Sara Farrington, 
Martha Farrington 
Jo. Farrington, 
Eliz. Farrington, 



15 ser. to John Cooper 
12 Children of 

8 



Edmond Farring- 
ton 



The next list is 2 April. " Theis underwritten names are 
to be transported to New England, imbarqued in the Plant- 
er, Nic. Trarice, master, bound thither. The parties have 
brought certificate from the minister of Great St. Albans in 
Hertfordshire, and attestacon from the Justices of Peace ac- 
cording to the Lords' order. 



a mercer 



John Tuttell, 
Joan Tuttell, 
John Lawrence, 
Wm. Lawrence, 
Maria Lawrence, 
Abigail Tuttell, 
Symon Tuttell, 
Sara Tuttell, 
Jo. Tuttell, 



Yeres. 

39 

42 shoemaker 

17 

12 

9 

6 

4 

2 

1 



husbandman 



VOL. VIII. 



a tailor 
husbandman 

32 



Yereg. 

24 
35 

30 
3 
1 

25 

20 

Tho. Savage, a tailor, 27 



Marie Chiltwood, 
Tho. Olnev, 
Mary Olney, 
Tho. Olney, 
Epenetus Olney, 
Geo. Giddins, 
James Giddins, 



Richard Harvie, 
Francis Peboddy, 



22 

21 



254 



Gleanings for New England History. 



a mason 



husbandman 

stationer 

husbandman 



Joan Antrobus, 
Marie Wrast, 
Tho. Greene, 
Nahum Haserd, 
William Beardsley, 
Maria Beardsley, 
Maria Beardslea, 
John Beardslea, 
Joseph Beardslea, 6 
Allen Perley, 
James Weaver, 
Edmond Weaver, 



65 linen weaver Wm. Wilcockson, 34 



24 
15 

1C( servant to 
1D ^Jo. Tuttell. 

30 shoemaker 
26 a tailor 



Margaret Wilcockson, 24 



4 

2 

mo. 

27 
23 



Jo. Wilcockson 

An. Harvea, 

Willm Felloe, 

Francis Baker 
Tho. Carter, 
Michell Williamson, 30 
Elizabeth Morrison, 12 



2 
22 
24 
24 

25 \ s ±l 



28 and his wife Margaret, aged 30 years, 
dwelling in Auckstray, in Herefordshire." 



The next list is " Theis underwritten names are to be 
transported to New England, imbarqued in the Hopewell, 
master Wm. Burdick, the parties have brought certificates 
from the minister and Justices of Peace, that they are no 
subsidy men, they have taken the oath of allegiance and su- 
premacy, per certificate from Stanstedd Abby there. 



husbandman John Astwood, 


26 


husbandman 


Lawrence Whittemore, 63 


Jo. Ruggles, 


10 




Elizabeth Whittemore, 57 


Martha Carter, 


27 




Elizabeth Turner, 20 


Marie Elliott, 


13 




Sara Elliott, 6 


Nazing in Essex. 






Robert Day 30 


shoemaker Jo. Ruggells, 


44 




Wm. Peacock, 12 


uxor Barbarie Ruggells, 


30 




Isaac Disbrough, 18 


Jo. Ruggells, 


2 


of Ell 


— Tyrley in com. Cambridge. 


Elizabeth Elliott, 


8 




Elizabeth Elliott, 30 


Giles Payson, 


2G 




Lydia Elliott, 4 


Isaac Morris, 


9 




Phillip Elliott, 2 


husbandman Jo. Peat, 


38 




of St. Katharines. 


of Duffil parish in Derbysh. 


husbandm 


an Robert Titus, 35 


Edward Keele, 


14 


uxor Hanna Titus, 31 


Jo. Goadby, 


10 




John Titus, 8 


Jo. Bell, 


13 




Edmond, 5 


Tho. Greene, 


15 


Geo. Woodward, 35, fishmonger, per 






certificate 


from Sir Geo. Whitmore 






& Sir Nich. Raynton, two Justices of 






the Peace 


in London, and from Jo. 






Thorp, minister of the parish of St. 






Buttolphs 


Billingsgate." 



Next follow short lists for Barbados 3 and 4 Apr. and then 
a long additional list for the Planter, Nic. Trarice as before- 
said, hereunder given, "6 April 1635. 



currier Martin Saunders, 40 

uxor Rachell Saunders, 40 

!Lea Saunders, 10 
Judith Saunders, 8 
Martin Saunders. 4 



clover 



Anto. Stannion, 
Daniell Hanbury, 
Francis Dexter, 
Willm. Dawes, 
Maria Saunders, 



24 
29 
13 

15 

15 



Gleanings for New England History. 



255 



( Marie Fuller, 


17 a 


tailor Clement Bates, 40" 






3 servants I Richard Smith, 


14 


Ann Bates, 40 






( Rich'd Ridley, 16 

husbandman Francis Newcom, 30 , , .,-, 

.- , ( Rachell Newcom, 20 D ctllia " < 

r f t-i/ n l^chell Newcom 2h ren 
2 children | JOtNewcom> g mo> 5 


( James Bates, 14 
Clement Bates, 12 
Rachell Bates, 8 
Joseph Bates, 5 
Benj. Bates, 2 


Theis parties im- 
barked in the Eliza- 
beth, master Wm. 
Stagg, bound for 
* New England, per 
cerlifioate from the 
Justices and Minis- 
ter of the parish." 




said 


Jo. Winchester, 19 








servants. 


Jarvice Gold, 30 ; 






" More for the Planter 








husbandman Richard Tuttell, 


42 


husbandman Willm Tuttell, 


26 


Ann Tuttell, 


41 


Elizabeth Tuttell, 


23 


Ann Tuttell, 


12 


Jo. Tuttell, 


3h 


Jo. Tuttell, 


10 


Ann Tuttell, 


n 


Rebecca Tuttell, 


6 


Tho. Tuttell, 


3 mo. 


Isbell Tuttell, 


70 


Sycille Clark, 


16 


Marie Wolhouston, 30 


Marie Bill, 


11 


Phillip Atwood, 


12 


a carpenter Francis Bushnell, 


26 


Barth Faldoe, 


16 


Marie Bushnell, 


26 


Maria Smith, 


18 


Martha Bushnell, 


1 


Elizabeth Swayne 


, 20 


Willm Lea, 


16 


Margaret Leach, 


15 


Hanna Smith, 


18 






Ann Wells, 


15 


In the Hopewell, Willm 


Burdock, master, bound for 


New England. 








James Burges, 


14 


Christian Luddington, 18 


Alexander Tli waits, 20 


Maria Abbott, 


16 


Jo. Abbott, 


16 


Maria Cope, 


14 


Jo. Bellowes, 


12 


Maria Peake, 


15 


Jo. Johnes, 


15 


a tailor Tho. Pell, 


22 


a glazier Jo. Bushnell, 


21 











In the Rebecca, of London, Mr. Hedges, for New Eng- 
land. 



a husbandman Peter Underwood, 22 



Isabell Cradock, 30 



7 Apr. this party under mentioned is to be imbarqued in 
the Planter, bound for New England, per certificate from Al- 
derman Fenn of his conformity, he hath taken the oath of 
allegiance and supremacy. Richard Fenn 27." 

Then follow long lists, by several ships, for St. Christo- 
phers and Barbadoes ; but on p. 30 comes "8 Apr. theis 
parties hereunder mentioned are to be transported to New 
England, imbarqued in the Elizabeth of London, Wm. Stagg, 
master, bound thither ; they have taken the oath of alle- 
giance and supremacy, per certificate from the parish of St. 
Alphage, Cripplegate, the minister thereof. 



256 Gleanings for New England History. 

T*nn re i Wm - Holdred, 25 Daniell Bradley, 29 

i aimers j Roger Preston, 21 Isaac Stedman, 30" 

Also, with a similar verification from the " minister of 
Kingston upon Thames, in the County of Surrey, to be 
transported in the Planter. 

a miller Palmer Bayley, 21 

an ostler Wm. Buttr'ick, 20 

a miller Tho. Jernell, 27 

9 Apr. in the Elizabeth de London pred. master Will'm 
Stagg bound for New England, theis underwritten names 
have brought certificate from the minister of Hauckust in 
Kent, and attestacon," &c. &c. 

a clothier 

uxor 

2 children 
maid servants 

In the Rebecca, master Jo. Hedges, bound for New Eng- 
land. 

husbandman Jacob Welsh, 32 Wm. Swayne, 16 

Geo. Woodward, 35 Francis Swayne, 14 

Elizabeth Winchell, 52 
Jo. Winchell, 13 

17th Apr. in the Eliza & Ann, Master Ro. Cooper, 
bound to New England, 

Thomas Hedsall, 47 years. 

In the Increase, of London, master Robert Lea, versus 
New England, 



Yeres. 






James Hosmer, 28 


Jo. Stow, 


40 


Ann Hosmer, 27 


Edward Gold, 


28 


Marie Hosmer, 2 


Geo. Russell, 


19 


Ann Hosmer, 3 mo. 


Jo. Mussell, 


15 


Marie Dounard, 24 






Marie Martin, 19 







a mason Geo. Baron, 




43 years. 


Samuel, 




12) 


Susan, 




10 > Children of the said mason. 


John, 




8 ) 


a husbandman Tho. Jestlin, 




43 Rebecca, 18 ^ 


Rebecca, his wife, 
Eliza Ward, 
a maid servant, 


' > 43 ^\l XhY - n U Q I Children of the said 






Mary, 1 J 



10 Apr. theis underwritten names are to be transported 
in the Planter, pred. Nico. Trarice, master, bound for New 
England, per certificate of the minister of Sudburie in Suffk. 



Gleanings for New England History. 257 

and from the maior of the town, of his conformity to the or- 
ders &, discipline of the church of England, &, that he is 
no subsidy man, he hath taken the oath of allegiance and 
supremacy. 

carrier Richard Hasfell, 54 yrs. Alice Smith, 40 

uxor Martha, 42 Elizabeth Cooper, 24 

{ Marie Hasfell, 17 Jo. Smith, 13 

| Sara Hasfell, 14 Job Hawkins, 15 

5 daughters. \ Martha Hasfell, 8 

| Rachell Hasfell, 6 

{ Ruth Hasfell, 3 

In the Planter pred. &,c. &c. 

Eylin Hanford, 46 Rodolphus Elmes, 15 

2ffonahtPr« 5 Margaret Hanford, 16 Tho. Stansley, 16 

^daughters. ^ Elizabeth Hanford, 14 

In the Elizabeth of London, Wm. Stagg, master, bound 
for New England. 

Will'm Wilder, 30 

Peter Thome, 20 

Alice Wild, 40 

A list of soldiers embarking for Flanders follows ; and then 
comes : 

"11 Apr. In the Elizabeth, pred. Wm. Stagg, master, 
bound for New England, &c. &,c. 

a carpenter Wm. Whitteredd, 86 Jo. Cluffe, 22 

uxor Elizabeth, 30 Jo. Wild, 17 

son Tho. Whitteredd, 10 Samuell Haieward, 22 

Jo. Duke, 20 

In the Planter pred. theis &c. &c. 

SaraPittnei, 22 Margaret Pitney, 22 

o »i.;m. m 5 Sara Pitnei, 7 Rachell Deane, 31 

2 children. J Samuell p^y, U 

12 Apr. In the Elizabeth & Ann, master Roger Coo- 
per, bound for New England, per certificate from the maior 
of Evesham in Com. Worcest. & from the minister, &;c. 
&c. 

Margaret Washborne, 49 

Jo. Washborne, 14 £o qmi< , 

Phillip Washborne, 11 \ 

In the Elizabeth de London, Wm. Stagg, master, pred. 



258 Gleanings for New England History. 

theis underwritten names brought certificate from the minis- 
ter of St Savior's, Southwark, of &c. &c. 

Thos. Miller, 30 Joshua Wheat, 17 

uxor Marie Miller, 29 Jo. Smith, 12 

Ursula Greenway, 32 Ralph Chapman, 20 

HenrieBull, 19 Tho. Millet, 2 

To be imbarqued in the Increase, Robert Lea, master, 
bound for New England per certificate from Billericay in Es- 
sex from the minister of the parish, that he is no subsidy 
man. 

husbandman Wm. Rusco, 51 
et uxor Rebecca, 40 

Sara Rusco, 9 ) . children S Samuell, 6 
Marie Rusco, 7 \ 4 cnildren - \ Wm . r usco , 1 

In the Increase pred. &c. &c. from All Sts. Stayning's, 
Mark Lane. 

a tailor Tho. Page, 29 

• f n ( Elizabeth Page, 28 Edward Sparks, ) ____**_ >, 

wife & ) mi -n o T7- * t> l > 2 servants. 

2 children ) Tho * Pa ^ e ' 2 Kat * Ta y lor » > 

t cniwren. ^ Katherin PagGj x 

On p. 35 we find "In the Elizabeth & Ann, Roger 
Cooper, master &,c, to be imbarqued for New England, hav- 
ing taken &,c. &c. and likewise brought &,c. &c. 



husbandman Robert Hawkins, 


25 




Wm. Hubbard, 


35 




Jo. Whitney, 


35 




Tho. Hubbard, 


10 




Jo. Palmerley, 


20 




Tho. Eaton, 


1 




Richard Martin, 


12 




Marie Hawkins, 


24 




Jo. Whitney, 


11 




Ellin Whitney, 


30 




Richard Whitney, 


9 




Abigail Eaton, 


35 




Nathaniell Whitney 


8 




Sara Cartrack, 


24 




Tho. Whitney, 


6 




Jane Dammand, 


9 




Jonathan Whitney, 


1 




Marie Eaton, 


4 




Nico. Sension, 


13 




Marie Broomer, 


10 




Henry Jackson, 


29 




Mildred Cartrack, 
Joseph Alsopp, 


2 
14 


In the 


Susan & Ellin, Edward 


Payne, master, 


for New 


England, 


theis &c. &c. &c. 










husbandman John Procter, 


40 


husbandman Richard Saltonstall, 23 




Martha Procter, 


28 




Merriall Saltonstall, 22 




John Procter, 


3 




Merriall Saltonstall, 9 mo 




Marie Procter, 


1 




Tho. Wells, 


30 




Alice Street, 


28 




Peter Cooper, 


28 


husbandman Walter Thornton, 


36 




Wm. Lambert, 26 




Joanna Thornton, 


44 




Samuell Podd 


25 



Gleanings for New England History. 259 



John North, 


20 




Jeremy Belcher, 


22 


Mary Pynder, 


53 




Marie Clifford, 


25 


Francis Pynder, 


20 




Jane Coe, 


30 


Marie Pynder, 


17 




Marie Riddlesden, 


17 


Joanna Pynder, 


14 




Jo. Pellam, 


20 


Anna Pynder, 


12 




Mathew Hitchcock, 


25 


Katherin Pinder, 


10 




Elizabeth Nicholls, 


25 


Jo. Pynder, 


8 




Thomazin Carpenter, 35 


Richard Skofield, 


22 




Ann Fowle, 


25 


Edward Weeden, 


22 




Edmond Gorden, 


18 


George Wilby, 


16 




Tho. Sydlie, 


22 


Richard Hawkins, 


15 




Margaret Leach, 


22 


Tho. Parker, 


30 




Marie Smith, 


21 


Symon Burd, 


20 




Elizabeth Swayne, 


15 


Jo. Mansfield, 


34 




Grace Berlie, 


30 


Clement Cole, 


30 




Ann Wells, 


20 


Jo. Jones, 


20 




Dyonis Tayler, 


48 


Wm. Burrow, 


19 




Hanna Smith, 


30 


Phillip Atwood, 


13 




Jo. Buckley, 


15 


Win. Snowe, 


18 




Wm. Buttrick, 


18 


Edward Lummus, 


24 








15 May, Penelope Pellam, 16 yeres, to 


pass to her 


brothers plantacon." 




P. 36. " In the Increase 


, of London, 


master Robert Lea, 


for New England. 











Robert Cordell, Gould- ( Samuel Andrewes, aged 37 yeres. 

• , . T , ' „ Robte. Naney, 22 

smith in Lambert street, Robt> g fe * • 

sent them away. ( James Gibbens, 21 



Also, 



Jane, the wife of the bovesaid Saml Andrewes, 30. 
all for New England J Ellyn Longe, her servant, aged 20 yeares. 
in the Increase aforesaid, j Jane Andrewes, her daughter, aged 3 yeares. 

[ Elizabeth Andrewes, her daughter, aged 2 yeares. 

15 Apr. In the Elizabeth de London, master Wm. Stagg 
versus New England. 

Rich'd Walker, 24 yrs. ( 

Jo. Beamond, 23 | Theis parties have taken the oath of allegiance and 
Wm. Beamond, 27 -j supremacy before Sir Wm. Whitmore, 
Tho. Lettyne, 23 | Sir Nicho. Ranton. 

Jo. Johnson, 23 { 

William Walker, 15. 

15 Apr. In the Elizabeth & Ann de Lond., master 
Roger Cooper, versus New England. 

Percy King, 24 yrs., a maid servant to Mr. Ro. Crowley. 

In the Elizabeth de Lond. master Wm. Stagg versus New 
England. 



260 



Gleanings for New England History. 



James Walker, 15 yrs. & Sarra Walker 17 yrs. servants to Jo. Browne, a 
Baker, & to one Wm. Brasey, linen draper in Cheapside, London, per certifi- 
cate of their conformity." 

Next is a page for soldiers to Flanders. 

P. 38. " 18 Apr. Theis underwritten names are to be 
transported to New England, imbarqued in the Increase, de 
Lond. Robert Lea, master, the parties predict, having 
brought, &c. &,c. 



Daniell Bloggett, 4 ) 2 rhi]dren 
Samuell Bloggett, 1* } 



Glover Tho. Bloggett, 30 
uxor Susan Bloggett, 37 

In the Increase, pred. The partie underwritten hath 
brought certificate from the minister of Wapping and from 
two Justices, &c. &,c. &,c. 



Lynen weaver Tho. Chittingdeo, 51 
uxor Rebecca Chittingden, 40 



Isack Chittingden, 10 
Hen. Chittingden, 6 



2 children. 



Theis underwritten names are to be transported to New 
England, imbarqued in the Susan & Ellyn, Edward Payne, 
master, the parties have brought certificate, &c. &c. 



Ad 


raper Ralph Hudson, 


42 


husbandman 


Simon Crosby 


26 




uxor Marie Hudson, 


42 


uxor 


Ann Crosby, 


25 






( Hanna Hudson, 


14 




Tho.Crosby,8mo 


1 child 


3 child 


ren 


] Eliz. Hudson, 


5 


husbandman 


Rec. Rainton, 


36 






( Jo. Hudson, 


12 


uxor 


Ann Rainton, 


36 






Tho. Briggham, 


32 




Edmond Rainton, 


6 1 child 






( Ben. Thvviog, 
| Ann Gelston, 


16 


a husbandman Percival Greene, 


32 






34 


uxor 


Ellin Greene, 


32 


servants 


\ Judith Kirk, 


18 




Jo. Traine, 


co en 

2 ser- 
vants. 






1 Jo. More, 

[ Henry Knowles, 


41 




Margaret Dix, 






25 




Jo. Atherson, 


24 






Geo. Richardson, 


30 




Ann Blason, 


27 






Ben. Thomlins, 


19 




Ben. Buckley, 


11 






Edward Thomlins, 30 




Daniell Buckley, 


9 






Barbara Ford, 


16 




Jo. Carrington, 


33 






Joan Broomer, 


13 




Mary Carrington, 


33" 






Richard Brooke, 


24 












Tho. Brooke, 


19 









Next follow five pages of soldiers for service abroad, and 
above a page of names for Barbadoes. 

" 15 Apr. Theis parties hereafter expressed are to be 
transported to New England, imbarqued in the Increase, 
Robert Lea, master, having taken, &c, as also being con- 
formable, &,c, whereof they brought testimony per certif. 
from the Justices &, ministers where there abodes have 
lately been. 



Gleanings for New England History, 



261 



tiusbandman Samuell Morse, 50 

uxor Elizabeth Morse, 48 

Joseph Morse, 20 

Elizabeth Daniell, 2 

A linen weaver Philemon Dalton, 45 

uxor Hanna Dalton, 35 

Samuel Dalton, 5£ 

Wm. White, 14 

husbandman Mathew Marvyn, 35 

uxor Elizabeth Marvyn, 31 



Elizabeth Marvin, 
Mathew Marvyn, 
Marie Marvyn, 
Sara Marvyn, 
Hanna Marvyn, 
Jo. Warner, 
Isack More, 
carpenter Samuell Ireland, 
uxor Marie Ireland, 
Martha Ireland, 
Plowrite Willm. Buck, 

Roger Buck, 
A joyner Jo. Davies, 
A husbandman Abram Fleming, 
husbandman Jo. Fokar, 

Tho. Parish, 
Symon Ayres, 
Dorothy Ayres, 
Marie Ayres, 
Tho. Ayres, 
Symon Ayres 
Rebecca Ayres, 
Jane Rainton, 
Symon Stone, 
Joan Stone, 
Francis Stone, 
Ann Stone, 
Symon Stone, 
Marie Stone, 



Clothier 
€hyrurgion 

uxor 



husbandman 
uxor 



3 
h 

20 
13 
32 
30 

H 

50 
18 
29 
40 
21 
22 
48 
3S 
15 
13 
11 

9 
30 
50 
38 
16 
11 

4 

3 



John Crodie, 17 

butcher, Wm. Houghton, 22 

husbandman, Willm Payne, 37 

Anna Payne, 40 

Wm. Payne, 10 

Anna Payne, 5 

Jo. Payne, 3 

Daniell Payne, 8 weeks. 

James Bition, 27 

Wm. Potter, 25 

Elizabeth Wood, 38 

Elizabeth Beards, 24 

Suzan Payne, 11 

Aymes Gladwell, 16 

Phebe Perce, 18 

Carpenter Henry Grosse, 20 

husbandman Tho. Kilborne, 55 

uxor Francis Kilborne, 50 

Margaret Kilborne,23 

Lyddia Kilborne, 22 

Marie Kilborne, 16 

Francis Kilborne, 12 

To. Kilborne, 10 

James Roger, 20 

Richard Nunn, 19 

Tho. Barrett, 16 

Jo. Hackwell, 18 

Christian Ayres, 7 

Anna Ayres, 5 

Benjamin Ayres, 3 

Sara Ayres, 3 mo. 

A sawyer, Steeven Upson, 23 

Jo. Myndell, 16 

( Isack Warden, 18 

I Nathaniell Wood, 12 

servants, j E i izabel h Streaton 19 

( Marie Toller, 16" 



Jo. Stone, 5 weeks 



Next follows a whole page for the Island of Providence. 

P. 47. "17 Apr. Theis parties hereunder expressed 
are to be transported to New England, imbarqued in the 
Elizabeth, Wm. Stagg, master, per certificate, &,c. &c. &c. 

husbandman James Bate, 53 

Alice Bate, 52 

Lyddia Bate, 20 

Marie Bate, 17 

Margaret Bate, 12 

James Bates, 9 

husbandman Edward Bullock, 32 

Elizabeth Stedman, 26 

Nathaniell Stedman, 5 

Isack Sledman, 1 

Robert Thornton, 11 

vol. viii. 33 



Peter Gardner, 


18 


Wm. Hubbard, 


35 


Rachell Bigg, 


6 


Patience Foster, 


40 


Hopestill Foster, 


14 


Francis White, 


24 


Joan Sellin, 


50 


Ann Sellin, 


7 


Edward Loomis, 


27 


Jo. Hubbard, 


10 


Jo. Davies, 


9 



262 Gleanings for New England History. 



Margaret Davies, 


32 


Marie Davies, 


4 


Elizabeth Davies, 


1 


Jo. Browne, 


40" 


Dorothy Smith, 


45 






filia Mary Smith, 


15 







P. 48. " The partie hereunder named with his wife & 
children is to be transported to New England, im barked in 
the Elizabeth & Ann. Willm. Cooper, master, &c. &c. &c. j 

Alexander Baker, 28 ^ 
uxor Elizabeth, 23 Up*rp« Clement Chaplin, 48 

Elizabeth Baker, 3 f > eares - Win. Swayne, 50" _ 

Christian Baker, 1 J 

Next is a list of ten for the Island of Providence ; and on 
same page follows : 

"27 Apr. Theis underwritten names are to be trans- 
ported to New England, Roger Cooper, master, bound thi- 
ther, in the Elizabeth & Ann, &,c. &c. &c. 

A carpenter Richard Brooke, 31 Daniell Preston, 13" 
Edward Sail, 24 

Next follows a very long list for Barbados ; but on p. 50 
comes, " 29 Apr. Theis, &c. &x. to be transported to New 
England, imbarqued in the Elizabeth & Ann, Roger Cooper, 
master, the parties having, &c. &c. &c. 



Ric'd. Goare, 


17 


Joseph Faber, 


26 


A smith Tho. Lord, 


50 


Tho. Pond, 


21 


uxor Dorothy, 


46 


Robert Lord, 


9 


Thomas Lord, 


16 


Aymie Lord, 


6 


Ann Lord, 


14 


Dorothy Lord, 


4 


Wm. Lord, 


12 


Josias Cobbet, 


21 


John Lord, 


10 


Jo. Hollo way, 


21 


James Cobbett, 


23 


Jane Bennet, 


16 


A Taylor Christopher Stanley, 


32 


Wm. Reeve, 


22" 


uxor Susanna 


31 






Wm. Samond, 


19 







Then follow a few soldiers. 

P. 51. "4 May, &,c. &,c. imbarqued in the Elizabeth 
& Ann, pred. &,c. &,c. &c. &c. 

A tallow chandler Hen. Wilkinson, 25 Robert Haus, A soape boyler 

Theis &,c. fee, imbarqued in the Abigail, Richard Hack- 
well, master, &c. &c. &c. &c. 



Tho. Buttolph, 


32 


Nathaniell Tylly, 


32 


Ann Buttolph, 


24 


Peter Kettell, 


10 


Wm. Fuller, 


25 


Tho. Steevens, 


12 


Jo. Fuller, 


15 


Elizabeth Harding, 


12' 



Gleanings for New England History. 



263 



Then follow names on more than two pages for Barbados ; 
and on p. 54 comes for " New England, imbarqued in the 
Elizabeth & Ann, Roger Cooper, master, &:c. &c. &c. 



Samuell Hall, 25 

Win. Smyndes, 20 
Jo. Halsey, 24 



Vyncent Potter, 
Ric'd Goare, 
Wm. Adams, 
Hilary Carter, 



21 
17 
15 

27 



7 May, in the Elizabeth & Ann, pred. Roger Cooper, 
master, &c. &c. &c. &x. 



John Mylne, 25 

Jo. Thomson, 22 

Edmond Weston, 30 

Gamaliell Bement, 12 

Audry Whitton, 45 



George Orris, 
Jo. Jackson, 
Elizabeth Fabin, 
Grace Bulkley, 



21 

27 
16 
33" 



On p. 55, after a short list of soldiers. "Nono die Maii, 
Theis underwritten &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
the Suzan & Ellin, Edward Payne, master &c. &,c. &c. &,c. 



Peter Bulkley, 
Tho. Brooke, 
Precilla Jarman, 



Yeres. 

50 
20 
10 



Rich'd Brooke, 
Elizabeth Taylor, 
Ann Lieford, 



24 
10 
13 



In the Elizabeth & Ann, pred. Roger Cooper, master, 
bound for New England. 



Robert Jeofferies, 
C Marie Jeofferies, 
wife and J Tho. Jefferies, 
3 children, j Elizabeth Jefferies, 
^ Mary Jefferies, 



Yeres. 

30 

27 

7 



Hanna Day, 
Suzan Browne, 
Robert Carr, 
Calebb Carr, 
Ric'd White, 
Tho. Dane, 
Wm. Hilliard, 



2 maid ser- 
vants. 
A Taylor. 



Carpenters." 



Then three soldiers to Holland. 

P. 56. " 11 May Theis, &c. &c. to New England, im- 
barqued in the Elizabeth & Ann, pred. &c. &c. &c. &c. 



A shoemaker Willm. Courser, 26 
A husbandman Geo. Wylde, 37 



A carpenter Geo. Parker, 



23 



12 May. In the Elizabeth & Ann, Roger Cooper, mas- 
ter, bound to New England. Theis underwritten names, 
&,c. per certificate from the minister of Beninden in Kent 
of their conformity, &c. &c. 



John Borden, 
uxor Joan, 



28 
23 



Jeremy Whitton, 
Mathew Borden, 



264 Gleanings for New England History. 

Nico. Morecock, 14 Elizabeth Borden, 3 

Bennett Morecock, 16 Thomas Whitton, 36 

Marie Morecock, 10 Sarauell Baker, 30 

14 May. Theis, &c. to New England, imbarqued in the 
Elizabeth & Ann, Roger Cooper, master, &c. &c. &c. 

Yeares. 

A Taylor Richard Samson, 28 John Oldham, 12 

Tho. Alsopp, 20 Tho. Oldham, 10 

Rob't Standy, 22" 

Next follow eleven lists of soldiers, for various service, 
then a list for Virginea, another, quite long, for St. Christo- 
phers, a second for Virginea, a short one for Flanders, a 
third, very long, for Virginea, and a very long list for Ber- 
muda ; and, p. 68, comes "15 June. Theis, &c. to New 
England, imbarqued in the Abigail de Lond. master H. Hack- 
well. The partie having brought certificate from the min- 
ister of Thesselworth, &c. &c. &c. 





Yeares. 






Dennis Geere, 


30 


Ann Pancrust, 


46 


Elizabeth Geere 


22 


Elizabeth Tusler, 


55 


Elizabeth Geere, 


3 


Constant Wood, 


12 


Sara Geere, 


2 







wife and 
2 children. 

Next follow three lists of soldiers. 

P. 69. "19 June. Theis, &c. to New England, imbarqued 
in the Abigail, Hackwell, master, the parties having brought 
certificate from the min. of the parish of the little Minories 
of his conf. &c. &c. 

Wm. Tilly, 28 ' Charles Jones, 21 

Robert Whiteman, 20 Liddia Browne, 16 

Aboard the James, Jo. May, for New England. 

Taylor Tho. Ewer, 40 Sara Beale, 28 

Sara Ewer, 28 Elizabeth Newman, 24 

Elizabeth Ewer, 4 Jo. Skudder, 16 

Tho. Ewer, l£ 

20 June. Theis, &c. to be imbarqued in the Abigail de 
Lond. Hackwell, and bound to New England, have taken, 
&c. &x. as per certif. from two Justices of peace and minis- 
ter of St. Lawrence in Essex. 

Henry Bullocke, 40 yrs. husbandman. 

and Susan his wife, 42 

( Henry, 8 

3 children, \ Mary, 6 

( Tho. 2 



Gleanings for New England History. 265 

20th. In the Defence de Lond., Mr. Peirce, and bound 
for New England, per certificate from two Justices of Peace 
and minister of All Saints leoman in Northampton. 



Wm. Hoeman, 


40 yrs. husbandman, 


( Hanna, 


8 


his wife Winifrid, 


35 


1 Jeremy, 


6 


Alice Ashley, 


20 yrs. a maid servant. 


5 children \ Mary, 


4 






| Sarra, 


2 






^ Abraham, 


lyrs 



and child- 
ren, 



20 June. In the Abigail de Lond. master Hackwell, 
bound for New England, per certificate, &c. from two Jus- 
tices of Peace and minister of Eaton Bray in com. Bedford. 

Jo. Houghton, 4 yeares old. 

7 July. In the Defence de Lond., master Edward Bos- 
tocke versus New England, per certificate two Justices of 
peace and minister from Dunstable in com. Bedfordshire. 

Robert Louge, 45 yers inholder Lucy Mercer, 18 a servant. 

Elizabeth his wife, 30 
( Michell, 20 

Sarra, 18 

Robert, 16 

Eliza, 12 

Ann, 10 

Mary, 9 

Rebecca, 8 

Jo. 6 

Zachery, 4 

I Joshua, 3 quarts old. 

In the Defence de Lond. master Pearce versus New Eng- 
land, per certificate, &c. &c. &c. of Towcester in com. North- 
ampton. 

Jo. Gould, 25 yrs. husbandman. Grace his wife, 25 yrs. 

22 June. In the Abbigall de Lond. master Hackwell 
versus New England per certificate from minister of Cran- 
brook in Kent. 

Edward "White, 42 yers. husbandman. 

and his wife Martha, 39 Jo. Allen, 30 yers husbandman ) ^certificate 

o«W:m«<* (Martha, 10 his wife Ann, 30 JffitoiSnt. 

* children, j Mary> 8 

In the Abbigall per certificate from Justice of Peace and 
minister of Stepney. 

Geo. Hadborne, 43 yers. Glover, 
his wife Anne, 46 Joseph Borebancke, 24 ) servants to Geo, 

2 children ' ^ eDecca > 10 Joane Jordan, 16 j Hadborne. 



266 



Gleanings for New England History, 



In the Defence de Lond. master Edward Boswell versus 
New England, per certificate from Sir Henry Mildmay and 
minister of Baddow in Essex. 

Jo Browne, 27 yers Taylor. 
( Tho. Hart, 24 
his 3 servants, j Mary Denny, 21 
( Anne Leake, 19 

26 Junii. In the Abigail, Robert Hackwell, master, to 
New England, per certificate from Northampton Tho. Mar- 
tin maior and two Justices. 



Shoemaker Jo. Harbert, 23 

4 July Henry Somner, 15 

Elisa Somner, 18 



Bricklayer Richard Adams, 29 
Suzan Adams, 26 



17 June. Theis, &c. to New England imbarqued in the 
Abigail, Robert Hackwell, master, per certificate, &c. &c. &c. 



Ralph Wallis, 
Ralph Roote, 
Jno. Freeman, 
Walter Gatsell, 
Richard Graves, 
Robert More, 
Samuell More, 
Edmund Manning, 
Tho. Jones, 
Geo. Dedmen, 
Wm. Marshall, 
Thomas Knore, 
John Hallinck, 
George Wallis, 
Rebecca Peirse, 
Marie Freeman, 
Jo. Freeman, 
Sycillie Freeman, 
Jo. West, 



Also, 



Christopher Foster, 
uxor Francis Foster, 
Rebecca Foster, 
Children, { Nathaniell Foster, 
Jo. Foster, 
Edward Ireson, 
Wm. Almond, 
Mary Jones, 
Awdrey Almond, 
Annis Almy, 
Edward Burt, 
Tho. Freeman, 
Wm. Yates, 
Elizabeth Ireson, 



40 
50 
35 
34 
23 
43 
3 
40 
40 
19 
40 
33 
38 
15 
14 
50 
9 
4 
11 



32 

25 

5 

2 

1 

32 

34 

30 

32 



24 
14 

27 



yeres. 



Mary Monnings, 


30 


Mary Monnings, 


9 


Anna Mannings 


6 


Mehitabell Mannings, 3 


Elizabeth Ellis, 


16 


Ellin Jones, 


36 


Isack Jones, 


8 


Hester Jones, 


6 


Tho. Jones, 


3 


Sara Jones, 


3 mo 


Cegona Covell, 


15 


Joan Wall, 


19 


Wm. Payne, 


15 


Noll Knore, 


29 


Sara Knore, 


7 


Rob't Driver, 


8 


Elizabeth More, 


30 


John More, 


3 mo 


Chr. Almie, 


3 


John Strowde, 


15 


Edward Rainsford, 


26 


Robert Sharp, 


20 


John Rookeman, 


45 


Elizabeth Rookman, 


31 


Jo. Rookeman, 


9 


Hugh Burt, 


35 


Ann Burt, 


32 


Wm. Bassett, 


9 


Jo. Fox, 


35 


Richard Fox, 


15 


Jo. Payne, 


14 


Edmund Freeman, 


45 



Gleanings for New England History. 



267 



Theis, &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Bless- 
ing, Jo. Lecester master, &c. &c. &c. &c. 



Willm. Cope, 


26 


Nico. Robertson, 


30 


Richard Cope, 


24 


Jo. Mory, 


19 


Thomas King, 


21 


Charles Sturbridge, 


1 


Jo. Stockbridge, 


27 


James Saiewell, 


1* 


Robert Saiewcll, 


30 


Jo. Robinson, 


5 


Wra. Brooke, 


20 


Ann Stockbridge, 


21 


Gilbert Brooke, 


14 


Suzan Saiewell, 


25 


Nathaniell Byham, 


14 


Ann Vassall, 


42 


Jo. Vassall, 


10 


Suzan King, 


30 


Wm. Vassal], 


42 


Judith Vassall, 


16 


Ric'd More, 


20 


Sara Tynkler, 


15 


Robert Turner, 


24 


Fra. Vassall, 


12 


Eliza. Holly, 


30 


Thorn azin Manson, 


14 


Ann Vassall, 


6 


Kat. Robinson, 


12 


Margaret Vassall, 


2 


Mary Robinson, 


7 


Mary Vassall, 


1 


Rob't. Onyon, 


26" 


Elizabeth Robinson, 


32 






Sara Robinson, 


1£ 







Then follow two long lists for Virginia. 

P. 76. " ultimo Junii. Abord the Abigail, Robert Hack- 
well, master, per certificate from the minister of Stepney pa- 
rish, &c. &c. &c. &c. 



Starchmaker Henry Collins, 29 yeres. 

uxor Ann Collins, 30 

( Henry Collins, 5 

3 children, J Jo. Collins, 3 

( Margery Collins, 2 



Josua Griffith, 25 ) 
Hugh Allers, 27 ( 
Mary Roote, 15 j 
Jo. Coke, 27 J 

Geo Bardin, 20 



servants. 



In the same 



Yeres. 

Edward Fountaine, 28 

Ralph Sheppard, 29 

Thanks Sheppard, 23 

Sara Sheppard, 2 



wife and daughter. 



Primo die Julii. In the Abigail pred. 



Ann Gillam, 28 

son Ben. Gillam, 1 

husbandman Thomas Brane, 40 

Tho. Launder, 22 

husbandman William Potter, 27 uxor 

uxor Francis Potter, 26 
Joseph Potter, 20 weeks. 

Rich'd Carr, 29 

Wm. King, 28 

George Ram, 25 

Jo. Stantley, 34 

James Dodd, 16 

Mathew Abdy, 15 

husbandman Edward Freeman, 34 

uxor Elizabeth Freeman, 35 



John Cooke, 
Edward Belcher, 
Ann Williams, 
Phillip Drinker, 
Elizabeth Drinker, 
Edward Drinker, 
Jo. Drinker, 
Margaret Tucker, 
Elliner Hillman, 
Jo. Terry, 
Jo. Emerson, 
Ric'd. Woodman, 
Elizabeth Freeman, 
Alice Freeman, 
Hugh Burt, 



15 1 
8< 
10 ' 
39 
32 
13 
8 
23 
33 
32 
20 
9 
12 
17 
15 



servants. 



268 Gleanings for New England History. 

Edmond Freeman, 15 Annis Alecock, 18 

John Freeman, 8 Tho. Thomson, 18 

Jo. Jones, 15 

Secundo die July In the Abigail pred. per certificate from 
the minister of Shoreditch parish and Stepney parish, bound 
to New England. 

John Deyking, 25 Ann Arnold, 39 

Jesper Arnold, 40 Alice Steevens, 22 

Alice Deyking, 30 Margaret Devotion, 9 

Ruth Buskett, 23 

Theis &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Defence, 
Tho. Bostock, master, the partie hath brought &c. &c. in 
Cambridge. 

A Taylor Adam Mott, 39 Jo. Mott, 14 ) 

uxor Sara Mott, 31 Adam Mott, 12 | 

mason Henry Steevens, 24 Jonathan Mott, 9 )- children. 

husbandman John Sheppard, 36 Elizabeth Mott, 6 j 

Margaret Sheppard, 31 Mary Mott, 4 J 

Tho. Sheppard, 3mo. 

In the Defence pred. Tho. Bostock, master, for New Eng- 
land per certificate from the minister of Fenchurch of &,c. 
&c. &c. 

Tho. Boylston, 20 yeres. 

4 July In the Abigail de Lond. per certif. from the min. 
and Justice of peace of St. Olives Southwark. 

Ralph Mason 35 yeres Joyner 

His wife Anne, 35 yers 

( Richard 5 yers 

3 child. -{ Samuell 3 yers 

{ Susan 1 yere 

In the Defence pred. 

Elizabeth French, 30 Francis French, 10 

Elizabeth French, 6 Jo. French, 5mo. 

Marie French, 2£ 

4 July. In the Defence de Lond. master Thomas Bostocke 
vs. New England per cert. &c. &c. &c. 

Roger Harlakenden, aged 23 toke oathe of allegiance and supremacie. 
Eliza, his wife IS Anne Wood, his servant, 23) 

* Mable, his sister 21 Samuell Shepherd, servant, 22 I servants 

Joseph Cocke, 27 | to the 

Geo. Cocke, 25 [aforesaid 

Wm. French, 30 f Roger 

Elisa, his wife, 32 Herla- 

Robert, a man servant, | kenden. 

Sarra Simes, 30 J 

* Govr. Haynes married Mabell Harlackenden, I believe. 



Gleanings for New England History. 269 

6 Jully In the Defence de Lo. master Tho. Bostocke vs. 
New England. 

Jo. Jackson 30 yers wholesale man in Burchen lane per certif. from Sir 
Geo. Whitmore & minister of the parish. 

10 July In the Abigail, Richard Hackwell, master, per 
certificate &c. &c. &c. &c. 

yeres. 

John Wynthropp, 27 Tho. Goad, 15 

Elizabeth Winthropp, 19 Elizabeth Epps, 13 

Deane Winthropp, 11 Mary Lyne, 6 

In the Defence pred. per certif. &c. &c. &c. 

A Taylor James Fitch, 30 Abigail Fitch, 24" 

Then follow a long list of soldiers to Flanders, and two 
very long lists to Virginea; next p. 83. "11 die July. Theis 
&c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Defence of Lon- 
don, Edward Bostock, master, per cert. &c. &c. &c. 

A miller Richard Peck, 33 ) Henry Duhurst, 35 

Margery Peck, 40 ! 
Israel Peck, 7 fy eres - 
Elizabeth Peck, 4 J 

14 July. In the Defence de Lond. master Edmond Bos- 
tocke vs. New England, per certif. &c. &,c. &x. 

Robert Hill 20 yers. servant to Mr. Craddocke. 

17 July. Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
the Pied Cowe, per cert, from the minister of his conformitie, 
&, from Sir Edward Spencer resident neere Branford, that 

&C. &C. &.C. &c. 

Willm. Harrison, 55 yeres old. 
Jo. Baldin, 13 

Wm. Baldin, 9 

Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Defence 
pred. per cert. &c. &c. &c. &c. 



Sara Jones, 


34 


husbandman 


"Wm. Hubbard, 


40 


Sara Jones, 


15 




Judith Hubbard, 


25 


Jo. Jones, 


11 




John Hubbard, 


15 


Ruth Jones, 


7 




"Wm. Hubbard, 


13 


Theophilus Jones, 


3 




"Wm. Read, 


48 


Rebecca Jones, 


2 




Mabell Read, 


30 


Elizabeth Jones, 


h 




George Read, 


6 


Tho. Doun, 


25 




Ralph Read, 


5 


Suzanna Farebrother, 


25 




Justice Read, 


ISmo 


L. VIII. 




34 







270 Gleanings for New England History. 



Elizabeth Fennick, 


25 


Dorothee Knight, 


30 


Wm. Stanley, 


25 


Nathaniell Hubbard, 


6 


Martha Hubbard, 


22 


Richard Hubbard, 


4 


Mary Hubbard, 


20 


Jasper Goun, 


29 


Robert Colburne, 


28 


Ann Goun, 


25 


Edward Colburn, 


17 


Febe Maulder, 


7 


Dorothe Adams, 


24 


Sym. Roger, 


20 


Francis Nutbrowne, 


16 


Jo. Jenkynn, 


26 


Wm. Williamson, 


25 


Robert Keyne, 


40 


Marie Willimson, 


23 


Elizabeth Steerer, 


18 


Luce Mercer, 


19 


Sara Knight, 


50 


Jo. Fitch, 


14 


Ann Keyne, 


38 


Penelope Deno, 


29 


Ben Keyne, 


16 


Martha Banes, 


20 


Jo. Buries, 


27 






Mary Bentley, 


20 



Theis &lc. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the James, 
Jno. May, master, for New England, per certif. &c. &c. &c. 



husbandman Wm. Ballard, 


32 


wheele write Wm. Hill, 


70 


Elizabeth Ballard, 26 


Nico. Buttny, 


33 


Hester Ballard, 


2 


Martha Buttny, 


28 


Jo. Ballard, 


1 


Grace Buttny, 


1 


Alice Jones, 


26 


shoemaker Jo. Hart, 


40 


Elizabeth Goffe, 


26 


Mary Hart, 


31 


Edmond Bridges, 


23 


shoemaker Henry Tybbott, 


39 


Michell Milner, 


23 


Elizabeth Tibott, 


39 


Tho. Terry, 


28 


Jeremy Tybbott, 


4 


Robert Terry, 


25 


Samuell Tybbott, 


2 


Ricd. Terry, 


17 


Remembrance Tybbott, 2£ 


Tho. Marshall, 


22 


clothworker Nico. Goodhue, 


60 


Wm. Hooper, 


18 


Jane Goodhew, 


58 


Edmond Johnson 


23 


John Johnson, 


26 


Samuel Bennett, 


24 


Suzan Johnson, 


24 


Richd. Palmer, 


29 


Elizabeth Johnson, 


2 


Anto. Bessy, 


26 


Tho. Johnson, 


18mo. 


Edward Gardner 


25 


Barber Ralph Farman, 


32 


Wm. Colbron, 


16 


Alice Farman, 


28 


Henry Bull, 


25 


Mary Farman, 


7 


Salomon Martin, 


16 


Tho. Farman, 


4 






Ralph Farman, 


2 



Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Bles- 
sing, John Lester, master, the parties have &c. &c. 



fisherman Jo. Jackson, 


40 


Mary Hubbard, 


24 


Margaret Jackson 


36 


Mary Spratt, 


20 


John Jackson, 


2 


Ricd. Hallingworth, 


40 


Jo. Manifold, 


17 


Suzan Hallingworth, 


30 


John Buries, 


26 


Christian Hunter, 


20 


Jo. Fitch, 


14 


Eliz. Hunter, 


18 


Nico. Long, 


19 


Tho. Hunter, 


14 


Christian Buck, 


26 


Wm. Hunter, 


11 


Barnabie Davies, 


36 


Wm. Hollingworth, 


7 


Suzan Danes, 


16 


Ric. Hallingworth, 


4 


Robert Lewes, 


28 


Suzan Hallingworth, 


2 


Eliz. Lewes, 


22 


Eliz. Hallingworth, 


3 



Gleanings for New England History. 271 

Edward Ingram, 18 Tho. Trentum, 14 

Henry Beck, 18 Tho. Biggs, 13 

Jo. Hathoway, 18 Jo. Briggs, 20 

Richard Sexton, 14 Robt. Lewes, 28 

Eliz. Lewes, 22 

Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in the Love, 
I Joseph Young, master. 

Baker Willm. Cherrall, 26 Sara Harman, 10 

Ursula Cherrall, 40 "Walter Parker, 18 

Jo. Harman, 12 fisherman Willm. Browne, 26 

Francis Harman, 43 Mary Browne, 26" 

After one list for Virginea and three lists for Flanders 
ie comes this entry : 

" 23 July. This &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
the Pied Cowe, master Ashley, &c. &c. &a 

husbandman Robert Bills, 32." 

A list for Flanders follows, and then on p. 88 : 
" 28 July. Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
the Hopewell of London, Tho. Babb, master, per cert, from 
the minister of St. Giles, Cripplegate, that &c. &c. &c. &c. 

yeres yeres 

A smith Thomas Tredwell, 30 Tho. Blackley, 20 

Mary Tredwell, 30 Tho. Tredwell, 1" 

Then come a long list for Flanders and four very long for 
Virginea. 

P. 95. "11 Augti. In the Batcheler de Lo. master Tho. 
Webb vs. New England, Lyon Gardner 36 yers &, his wife 
Mary 34 yers & Elisa. Colet 23 yers their maid servant, 
&, Wm. Jope 40 yers, who are to pass to New England, 
have brought &c. &c. fee." 

After a long list for Flanders and two quite long for Vir- 
i ginea, comes on p. 101 : 

" 21 Augti. In the Hopewell de Lo. master Babb vs. New 
! England, Henry Maudsley 24 yers hath brought &c. &c. 
; &c." 

Next follow a long list for Holland, two long ones for Vir- 
! ginea, a long one for St. Christophers, and another for Vir- 
, ginea ; but on p. 107 comes : 

" 11 Septr. Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
I the Hopewell, Tho. Babb master, per cert. &c. &x. 



272 



Gleanings for New England History. 



yeres. 

husbandman William Wood, 27 

Elizabeth Wood, 24 

Jo. Wood, 26 

Robert Chambers, 13 

Tho. Jno'son, 25 

Marie Hubbard, 24 

Jo. Kerbie, 12 

Jo. Thomas, 14 

Isack Robinson, 15 

Ann Williamson, 18 

Tanner Jo. Weekes, 26 

Marie Weekes, 28 

Anna Weekes 1 

Suzan Withie, 18 

Robert Baylie, 23 

Marie Withie, 16 

Samuel Younglove, 30 
Margaret Younglove, 28 

Samuel Younglove, 1 

Daniell Pryer, 13 

Katherin Hull, 23 

Mary Clark, _ 16 

Jo. Marshall, 14 

Joan Grave, 30 

Mary Grave, 26 

Joan Cleven, 18 

Edmond Chippfield, 20 



Andrew Hulls, 29 

Anthony Freeman, 22 

Twiford West, 19 

Roger Toothaker, 23 
Margaret Toothaker, 28 

Roger Toothaker, 1 

Robert Withie, 20 

Henry Ticknall, 15 

harnesmaker Isack Heath, 50 

Elizabeth Heath, 40 

Elizabeth Heath, 5 

Martha Heath, 30 

Wm. Lyon, 14 

Grace Stokes, 20 

Tho. Bull, 25 

Joseph Miller, 15 

Jo. Prier, 15 

Richard Hatley, 15 

Mary With, 62 

Robert Edwards, 22 

Robert Edye, 25 

Walter Lloyd, 27 

Ellin Leaves, 17 

Alice Albon, 25 

Barbery Rose, 20 

Jo. Foster, 14 

Gabriell Reld, IS 



54 



20 Septr. Theis &c. &c. to New England, imbarqued in 
the Truelove, Jo. Gibbs, master, &c. &c. &c. &c. 



Labouring > 



3'eres. 

. Thomas Burchard, 40 

3 Mary Burchard, 38 

Elizabeth Burchard, 13 

Marie Burchard, 12 

Sara Burchard, 9 

Suzan Burchard, 8 

Jo. Burchard, 7 
Ann Burchard, 18mo. 

Peter Place, 20 

Wm. Beresto, 23 

Geo. Beresto, 21 

husbandman Edward Howe, 60 

Elizabeth Howe, 50 

Jeremie Howe, 21 

Sara Howe, 12 

Ephraim Howe, 9 

Isack Howe, 7 

Wm. Howe, 6 

Jo. Sedgwick, 24 

Jeremy Blackwell, 18 

Lester Gunter, 13 

Zacharia Whitman, 40 

Sara Whitman, 25 



Zacha. Whitman, 2£ 

Rebecca Fenner, 25 

Tho. Tibbalds, 20 

Thomas Streme, 15 

Jo. Streme, 14 

husbandman Ralph Tomkins, 50 

uxorKat. Tomkins, 58 
Elizabeth Tomkins, 18 

Marie Tomkins, 14 

Samuel Tomkins, 22 

Richard Hawes, 29 

Ann Hawes, 26 

Anna Hawes, 2£ 
Obediah Hawes, 6mo 

Ralph Ellwood, 28 

Geo. Tayler, 31 

Elizabeth Jenkins, 27 

Wm. Preston, 44 

Marie Preston, 34 

Eliz. Preston, 11 

Sara Preston, 8 

Marie Preston, 6 

Jo. Preston, 3 



Gleanings for New England History. 273 



William Bentley, 


47 


Wm. Joes, 


28 


Alice Bentley, 


15 


Edward Jefferies, 


24 


Margaret Killinghall 


,20 


John Done, 


17 


Jo. Bentley, 


17 


Roger Broome, 


16 


Tho. Stockton, 


21 


Dorothie Lowe, 


13 


Geo. Morrey, 


23 


Jo. Simpson, 


30 


Richard Swayne, 


34 


Tho. Brighton, 


31 


Sarah Haile, 


11 


Tho. Rumball, 


22 


Samuel Grover, 


16 


Edward Parrie, 


24 


Robert Browne, 


24 


Jane Walston, 


19 


Tho. Blower, 


50 




— 



66" 

Then follows a list of 95 to Barmodos, then a list of S3 
to St. Christophers, another of 105 to same, another of 85 
to Virginea, another of 51 to same, another of 205 to Bar- 
bados, five lists of soldiers, and, lastly, one of 46 and one 
of 32 for Barbados, and so the volume ends. 

It was not in my power to recollect the authority, under 
which the formality was adopted, that led to such a happy 
result as the formation of this volume, from which I have 
taken every name of persons, embarked for New England. 
Many errors in spelling are not chargeable to me, for the 
writers at the custom-house soon became careless of execut- 
ing their orders. The chance of mistake, too, was increas- 
ed by the rule, that requires all transcripts at the Record 
Office to be taken in pencil, after which, at my lodgings, this 
copy was copied with a pen. My first memorandum book 
is, of course, in some degree become indistinct, and may 
hardly be worth preserving many months. It may be, that 
two of the servants of Harlackenden, here written Cocke, may 
have been called Cook before or after settling at Cambridge ; 
and it is quite probable that, to evade the despicable tyran- 
ny of the regulations, a true description of the persons was 
sometimes concealed. Peter Bulkley was not called a min- 
ister, because his departure, perhaps, would have been for- 
bidden. We know, in this voyage of the Abigail, forty 
passengers, more than are here mentioned, came over, some 
of whom thought best, no doubt, to be taken in, like Hugh 
Peters, after the clearance of the vessel. 

Several weeks later, in a book, found at the London In- 
stitution, History of Sandwich, by Wm. Boys, printed at 
Canterbury, M.D.C.C.C.XCII (manifest error for 1792) in 
a part of the work, called Annals of Sandwich from A. D. 
665, sub anno 1634, beginning each year on the first Mori- 



274 



Gleanings for New England History. 



day after the feast of St. Andrew, as the municipal year is 
counted by the mayoralty of that borough, p. 707, the text 
threw this light on the matter of my doubt : " A letter from 
the commissioners of plantations prohibiting the promiscu- 
ous passing of his Majesty's subjects to the American plant- 
ations : no subsidy men to pass without a license, nor other 
persons without attestation from two justices. A return of 
the names of 102 persons embarked at Sandwich for New 
England." 

Reference is here made in the lower margin to Appendix J. 
page 750 of the volume, which reads, " A list or register of 
all such persons as embarked themselves in the good ship 
called the Hercules of Sandwich, of the burthen of 200 tons, 
John Witherley, master, and therein transported from Sand- 
wich to the plantation called New England in America, with 
the certificates from the ministers where they last dwelt of 
their conversation, and conformity to the orders and disci- 
pline of the church, and that they had taken the oath of al- 
legiance and supremacy." 



CERTIFICATES. 


MASTERS OF FAMILIES. 


CHILDREN. 


SERVANTS. 


From Mr. Jno. Gee, vicar of 
Tenterden, 26 feb. 1634. Jno. 
Austin, mayor, Tenterden, and 
Fregift Stace, jurat, 4 mar. 
1634. 


Nathaniel Tilden, of 
Tenterden, yeoman, and 
Lydia, his wife. 


Seven by 
name.* 


Seven by 
name.* 


Mr. Jno. Gee, 1st mar. 1634. 
Jno. Austin, mayor, and Fre- 
gift Stace, jurat, 4 mar 1634. 


Jonas Austen, of Tenter- 
den, and Constance, his 
wife. 


Four. 




Samuel Marshall, mayor of 
Maidstone,Tho.Swinnok, jurat, 
Edw. Duke and Rob. Barrel, 
ministers, 14 mar. 1634. 


Rob. Brook, of Maid- 
stone, mercer, and Ann, 
his wife. 


Seven. 




William Colepeper, Caleb 
Bancks, Edw. Duke, Hen. 
Crispe, Franc. Froiden, cler. 
14 mar. 1634. 


Tho. Hey ward, of Ayles- 
ford, taylor, and Susan- 
nah , his wife. 


Five. 




Sam. Marshal, mayor of Maid- 
stone, Tho. Swinnuck, Edw. 
Duke and Rob. Barrel, cl. 14 
mar. 1634. 


Will. Witherell, of Maid- 
stone, schoolmaster, and 
Mary, his wife. 


Three. 


One. 


Edw. Chute, Edm. Hayes, vi- 
car of A shford,Eli as Wood .par- 
son of Hinxhill, 4th mar. 1634. 


Fannett of Ash- 
ford, hemp dresser. 






Mr. Tho. Warren, rector of St. 
Peter, in Sandwich, 14th mar. 
1634. 


Tho. Boney and Hen. 
Ewell, of Sandwich, 
shoemakers. 







* In the original, we may presume, the name of each child and servant, perhaps 
the age also, was given ; but that was beyond my reach. The printed book is care- 
fully copied. 



Gleanings for New England History. 



275 



CERTIFICATES. 


MASTERS OF FAMILIES. 


CHILDREN. 


SERVANTS, 


Mr. Tho. Gardener, vicar of St. 
Mary's, Sandwich, 17th mar. 
1634. 


Will. Hatch, of Sand- 
wich, merchant, and 
Jane, his wife. 


Five. 


Six. 


Mr. Jno. Gee, vicar of Tenter- 
den, Jn. Austin, mayor, Fregift 
Stace, jurat, 15th mar. 1634. 


Sam. Hinkley, of Ten- 
terden, and Sarah, his 
wife. 


Four. 




Mr. Tho. Warren, rector of St. 
Peter, Sandwich, 14th mar. 
1634. 


Isaac Cole, of Sandwich, 
carpenter, and Joan, his 
wife. 


Two. 




Edm. Hayes, vicar of Ashford, 
21st mar. 1634. 






A servant. 


Edm. Hayes, vicar, 12th mar. 
1634. 


Tho. Champion, of Ash- 
ford. 






Tho. Warren, rector of St. Pe- 
ter. Sandwich, 13th mar. 1634. 
Tho. Harman, vicar of Hed- 
corn, 6 Mar. 1634. 


Tho. Besbeech, of Sand- 
wich. 


Six. 


Three. 


Jno. Gee, vicar of Tenterden, 
20 feb. 1634. Jno. Austin, 
mayor, and Fregift Stace jurat, 
1st mar. 1634. 


Jno. Lewis, of Tenter- 
den, and Sarah, his wife 


One. 




Jos. Leeth, vicar of Bow, Lon- 
don, 19th mar. 1634. 


Parnel Harris, of Bow, 
London. 






Edw. JNicholls, vicar of North- 
bourn, 2d feb. 1634. 


James Sayers, of North- 
bourn, taylor. 






Edm. Hayes, vicar of Ashford, 
21 mar. 1634. Jno. Honny- 
wood, Tho. Godfrey, justices. 


Comfort Starre, of Ash- 
ford, chirurgion. 


Three. 


Three. 


Kob. Gorsham, curate of Great 
Chart, 20 mar. 1634. 


Jos. Rootes, of Great 
Chart. 






Will. Sandford, rector of East- 
well, 16 mar. 1634. 


Em. Mason, of Eastwell, 
wid. 






Mr. Tho. Gardiner, vicar of St. 
Mary's, Sandwich, 26 mar. 
1634. 


Margt. wife of Will 
Johnes, late of Sand- 
wich, now of New Eng- 
land, painter. 






Tho. Jackson, minister of St. 
George's, Canterbury, ult. feb. 
1634. 


Jno. Best, of the said 
parish, taylor. 






Jno. Phillips, minister of Fa- 
versham, 5th mar. 1634. Jno. 
Knowler, mayor, and Will. 
Thurston, jurat. 


Tho. Bridgen, of Faver- 
sham, husbandman, and 
his wife. 


Two. 





Again, in the body of the work, sub. an. 1636, following 
the. before-explained mode of reckoning, we read, p. 708: 
" A list of 80 persons who have taken passage from Sand- 
wich to the American plantations." 

The margin refers to Appendix K, which I copy from 
p. 752 ; " A true roll or list of the names, surnames and 
qualities of all such persons who have taken passage from 
the town and port of Sandwich for the American plantations 
since the last certificate of such passengers returned into the 
office of Dovor castle." Probably the phrase may safely be 
confined to New England. 



276 Gleanings for New England History. 

" Thomas Starr, of Canterbury, yeoman, and Susan, his wife, 1 child. 

Edward Johnson, of Canterbury, joiner, and Susan, his wife, 7 children, 3 
servants. 

Nicholas Butler, of Eastwell, yeoman, and Joice, his wife, 3 children, 5 ser- 
vants. 

Samuel Hall, of Canterbury, yeoman, and Joan, his wife, 3 servants. 

Henry Bachelor, of Dovor, brewer, and Martha, his wife, 4 servants. 

Joseph Bachelor, of Canterbury, taylor, and Elizabeth, his wife, 1 child, 3 
servants. 

Henry Ptichardson, of Canterbury, carpenter, and Mary, his wife, 5 children. 

Jarvis Boykett, of Charington, carpenter, 1 servant. 

John Bachelor, of Canterbury, taylor. 

Nathaniel Ovell, of Dovor, cordwinder, 1 servant. 

Thomas Calle, of Faversham, husbandman, and Bennett, his wife, 3 children. 

William Eaton, of Staple, husbandman, and Martha, his wife, 3 children, 1 
servant. 

Joseph Coleman, of Sandwich, shoemaker, and Sara, his wife, 4 children. 

Matthew Smith, of Sandwich, cordwinder, and Jane, his wife, 4 children. 

Marmaduke Peerce, of Sandwich, taylor, and Mary, his wife, 1 servant. 

" Certified under the seal of office of mayoralty, 9th June, 
1637." 

It seems, then, that the Commissioners of Plantations in- 
troduced this regulation, of which, as that Committee of the 
Privy Council had for its head William Laud, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, we may be confident, the principal object was, 
to embarrass the puritan ministers desirous of coming to our 
country. His elevation to the primacy was in September, 
1633, and next year this Commission was instituted. How 
utterly ineffectual was such petty statemanship, may be 
known by a reference to the names of distinguished men, 
who came passengers in these same ships, but not entered 
in the lists. Power thus used was altogether illegal ; but as 
it failed of its purpose, we may now rejoice in the attempt, 
that has furnished us so valuable a document. No similar 
volume could be heard of in England, and only a single 
other return was found by me, which will be given in a few 
pages onward. 

A mine of unexhausted information about our country is 
contained in the volumes, printed and manuscript, at the 
British Museum, and in the exploration of the latter my little 
success should not discourage more hardy or patient ad- 
venturers. References casually offering may lead to treasure. 

Eagerly did my eye explore the page 65. b. in the 
Harleian MSS. 7033, where the hope was held out, that 
something might be learned of our apostle Eliot, and it was 
found, to my grievous disappointment, to be only abbrevia- 
tion of Cotton Mather. 



Gleanings for Neiv England History. 277 

In Harl. MSS. 5801, inscribed on its titlepage, "A cata- 
logue of the Knights made from the first year of the reign of 
King Charles the 2d, during all his reign, those of King 
James the 2d, King William and Queen Mary, with their 
pedigrees, collected by Peter Le Neve, Rouge Croix Pur- 
suivant, 7 Aug. 1696, in two volumes," fol. 12 b., I find, 
" Cambridge, Sir George Downing of Gamlingay, Cambr. 
Kted at the Hague, May 1660. He was after a baronet. 
See amongst my books of baronets. See his character in 
Anthony A Wood's Athense Oxonienses, 2d vol." It was 
an agreeable thing to find, that some former possessor of this 
volume had written on the titlepage : " Rem nullam peragit 
Le Nevius, incipit omnem. Heraldry a study which only 
loads the memory, without improving the understanding." 

Harl. MSS. 5802, fol. 23, affords me only this : " Phipps, 
Sir William, Captain of , Knighted at Windsor Castle 

28 June 1687." 

From MSS. 5808 Plut. cxix. D, being vol. vii. of Coles's 
MSS. p. 36, where is duly illuminated, or tricked off, (as the 
phrase is) the coat of arms of our George Downing, I ex- 
tract this account : " The Worshipful & Honorable Sr. 
George Downing, Baronet, Knight of the Bath, and Justice 
of the Peace for ye County of Cambridge. 

He died at his fine seat at Gamlingay, June 9, Friday, 
1749, where he had been confined with the Gout for a long 
Time, leaving only one natural Daughter, to whom he 
left about 20,000 pounds, and the mother of her 200 pounds 
per ann. His great Estate, the largest of any Gentleman or 
Nobleman in this county he left to Jacob Garrard Downing, 
Esq. who if he dies with" [without?] "lawful Heirs, it goes 
to Serjeant Barnardiston with the like Proviso, &, in case 
neither" [both?] " of these Gentlemen, both unmarried &, 
advanced in years, die without lawful Issue, the whole Estate 
Sir George has bequeathed to the University of Cambridge 
in order to build & endow a new College where his Ex- 
ecutors shall think proper. The Estate is supposed to be 
6000 pounds per annum. A Ring I have seen for him says 
he died June 10, 1749. He was married young & never 
cohabited with his wife ; & for the latter Part of his Life 
led a most miserable, covetous &, sordid Life." 

I can imagine the delight of an enthusiast of such severe 

vol. vni. 35 



278 Gleanings for Neiv England History. 

tember, as Hugh Peters, at this termination of the male line- 
al descendant of the first Sir George, which he might natu- 
rally regard as the retributive justice of one " visiting the 
iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and 
fourth generation of them that hate me." 

Far superior in value to such trifles is a MS. 4to. volume 
in the splendid library of George III, presented to the Nation 
by George IV, now at this noble Museum. A fair trans- 
cript of the whole volume is permitted to be used. On 26 
Sept. I copied the Titlepage and the story of the work : 
"Letters from Dr. Franklin to the Reverend Doctor Cooper, 
Minister of the Gospel in the Town of Boston in New Eng- 
land, in the years 1769, 70, 71, 72, 73 and 1774, upon the 
subject of American Politics, together with Dr. Cooper's 
Answers, and some few Letters from Govr. Pownall to Dr. 
Cooper upon the same subject ; to which is added a short 
History of those Letters, or an account of the manner, in 
w 7 hich they happened to fall into the hands of the present 
possessor of them." 

A note in volume vii., p. 440, of the elegant Edition of 
Franklin's Works, by Professor Sparks, our fellow laborer, 
contains a slight error, in saying this collection was seized by 
a British officer in Boston ; or if the person, who transcribed 
for the accomplished Editor the letters of Dr. Franklin, in- 
tended to characterize as a seizure the acts of the late Dr. 
Jeffries in preserving them, and, after reaching London, pre- 
senting them to Mr. Thompson, (the gentleman, it is pre- 
sumed, afterwards so well known as Count Rumford,) the 
term must be construed in sensu mitissimo. 

Here follows the " Account of the manner in which the 
following Letters came into the hands of the Person who 
now possesses them." 

" Immediately after the Affair of Lexington, which hap- 
pened upon the 19th of April, 1775, the Town of Boston 
was surrounded by the Rebels and all intercourse with the 
Country w T as cut off. Those who were in the Town were 
not allowed to quit it without the permission of the Com- 
mander in Chief, and no person was allowed to pass the 
lines to go into the country without first being searched by 
Officers appointed by the General for that purpose. At this 
time many of the leading Men of the disaffected party were 
still in the Town, and among the rest the Revd. Dr. Cooper,. 



Gleanings for New England History. 279 

Minister of the Gospel to one of the Religious Societies in 
that town, a Man of great weight and influence among the 
people, who admired him as much for his Abilities, as they 
respected him on account of his Holy profession, and his 
exemplary life and conversation. He, with many others, 
made immediate application for leave to quit the Town, and 
obtained a Passport for that purpose. 

" At this time he had in his possession the Originals of 
the following Letters from Dr. Franklin, together with the 
original draughts of his Answers, and a great number of 
Letters from Gov. Pownall, written the same time, upon the 
same subject, with the draughts of all his answers to them. 
Being unwilling to destroy these papers, and afraid of detec- 
tion if he attempted to take them with him through the 
Lines, he determined to leave them behird in the hands of 
a confidential friend, with directions to forward them to him 
by the first safe conveyance. He accordingly packed them 
all up together in a bundle, and sent them to Mr. Jeffries, 
one of the selectmen of Boston, who at that time was sick, 
and unable to leave the Town. He w 7 as confined to his 
bed, when these papers were brought to him ; they were 
therefore put by in a trunk which contained other things of 
his own. As soon as Mr. Jeffries was recovered from his 
illness, he left the Town, and followed the rest of his Party 
into the Country. 

" His son, Dr. John Jeffries, who is now one of the Sur- 
geons to the Hospital at New York, not choosing to take 
part in the Rebellion, refused to accompany his father into 
Country. With this Son he left everything that he could 
not take with him, and among other things the beforemen- 
tioned trunk, either not knowing or forgetting that it contain- 
ed a treasure belonging to his friend. This trunk remained 

• • • 

near a year in Dr. Jeffries' possession without his knowing 

what it contained, till, upon the evacuation of Boston in the 
month of March following, collecting his effects in order to 
embark with them for Halifax, he accidentally discovered 
this packet of Letters, and finding them interesting, took 
care to preserve them. From Halifax he brought them with 
him to London in January last, and made a present of them 
to Mr. Thompson, who now presumes most humbly to lay 
them at his Majesty's feet, as a literary as well as a political 
curiosity." 



280 Gleanings for New England History. 

Books printed are, however, more encouraging to an en- 
quirer than MSS. ; and here may the rarest be, generally, 
found. Brereton's Relation of Gosnold's Discovery, printed 
at London, 1602, in 4to., did not engage more than a half 
minute's attention, because it was known, that our publish- 
ing committee for the present volume had obtained a tran- 
script. The information, as to Chr. Levett's Voyage into. 
New England, 4to. London, 1628, of equal diligence, re- 
moves the mortification suffered, on being answered, when 
that tract was asked for, that it was gone to the binders. 
No little regret must be felt at our numerous deficiencies in 
works, that would naturally be supposed to be at our com- 
mand from their comparatively recent publication. At this 
repository in London the Catalogue (I forget the number of 
volumes it is contained in, but it must be over fifty folios) 
shows : " Adams (Amos) A. M. Pastor of the first Church 
of Roxbury. A concise historical view of the difficulties, 
hardships and perils which attended the planting and pro- 
gressive improvements of New England, 8vo. Boston. Lon- 
don, reprinted 1770. 

Bradstreet (Lieut. Col.) Impartial Account of Expedition 
to Fort Frontenac, 8vo. London, 1759." Neither of these 
books are yet in our library. 

The most remarkable treasure in the Museum is a Col- 
lection of Books and Pamphlets, printed from 1640 to the 
Restoration, which was the property of George III. Its 
Catalogue, written by the collector, fills twelve small folio 
volumes. My attention being drawn, by one of the Keep- 
ers in the department, to this, it seemed desirable, on 30 
July, to copy the story of this assiduous laborer, which is an 
appropriate preface to the first volume of these MSS. enti- 
tled " Mr. Thomason about his Collection." 

"There have been great charges disbursed and paines 
taken in an Exact Colleccon of Pamphlets that have been 
Published from the Beginning of that long and unhappy 
Parlement which begun November 1640 which doth amount 
to a very greate Number of Pieces of all Sorts and all Sides 
from that time until his Majesties happy Restauracon and 
Coronacon, their Number Consisting of neere Thirty Thou- 
sand severall peeces to the very great Charge and greater 
Care and Paines of him that made the Colleccon. 



Gleanings for New England History. 281 

The use that may be made of them for the Publique both 
for the present and after Ages, may and will prove of greate 
Advantage to Posterity, and besides this, there is not the 
like, and therefore onely fitt for the use of the Kings Maj'tie. 

The wch Colleccon will Necessarily Imploy Six Readers 
att Once, they Consisting of Six Several! Sorts of Paper 
being as uniformly Bound as if they were but of one Impres- 
sion of Bookes, it Consists of above Two Thousand severall 
Volumes all Exactly Marked & Numbered. 

The method that hath been Observed throughout is 
Tyme, and such Exact Care hath been taken that the very 
day is written upon most of them that they came out. 

The Catalogue of them fairely written doe Contain 
Twelve Volumes in Folio and of the Number aforesaid 
wch is so many that when they stand in Order according 
to their Numbers whilst any thing is asked for, and Shewed 
in the Catalogue, though but of one Sheete of Paper (or 
lesse) it may be instantly Shewed, this Method is of very 
greate use and much Ease to the Reader. 

In this Number of Pamphlets is Contained neere One 
hundred Severall peeces that never were Printed on th'one 
side and on th'other (all or most of wch are on the King's 
side) wch no man durst venture to Publish here without the 
Danger of his Ruine. 

This Colleccon was so privately Carried on, that it was 
never knowne that there was such a Designe in hand, the 
Collector intending them onely for his Maj'ties use that then 
was, his Maj'tie once having Occasion to use one Pamphlett 
could no where Obtain or Compasse the Sight of it but from 
him, wch his Maj'tie haveing seen was very well Satisfied 
and pleased with the Sight of it, hee comanded a Person of 
honour (now) neere his Maj'tie that now is, to Restore it 
Safely to his hands from whome hee had it, who faithfully 
Restored it together with the Charge his Maj'tie gave him 
wch w T as with his owne hands to Returne it to him, and 
withall Express't a Desire from his then Maj'tie to him that 
had Begun that worke, that hee should Continue the same, 
his Maj'tie being very well pleased with the Designe wch 
was a greate Encouragem't to the Undertaker. Els hee 
thinks hee should never have been Enduced to have gon 
through so difficult a Worke wch hee found by Experience 



282 Gleanings for New England History. 

to prove so Chargeable and heavy a Burthen both to him- 
selie and his Serv'ts that were Imployed in that buisines 
wch Continued above the Space of Twenty yeares in which 
time hee Buryed three of them who tooke greate Paines 
both day and night wth him in that tedious Imploym't. 

And that hee might prevent the Discovery of them when 
the Army was Northward hee Pack't them up in Severall 
Trunks, and by one or two in a Weeke hee sent them to a 
Trusty freind in Surrey who safely preserved them, but 
when the Army was Westward and feareing their Returne 
that way hee was feigne to have them sent back againe and 
thence Safely Rec'ed them, but durst not keepe them by 
him the Danger was so greate, but packt them up againe 
and sent them into Essex, and when the Army Ranged that 
way to Tripleheath was feigne to send for them back from 
thence, and not thinking them safe any where in England 
att last tooke a Ressolucon to send them into Holland for 
their more safe preservation, but Considering with himselfe 
what a Treasure it was, upon Second thoughts hee durst 
not venture them att Sea, but Resolved to place them in his 
Warehouses in forme of Tables round about the Roomes 
Covered over with Canvas, Continuing Still without any 
Intermission his Goeing on nay even then when by the 
Usurper's Power and Com'and hee was taken out of his 
Bed and Clapt up Close Prisoner att Whitehall for Seaven 
weekes Space and above hee still hopeing and looking for 
that Day and time wch thankes bee to God is now come, 
and there he put a Period to that unparalelPd Labour 
Charge and Paines hee had been att. 

Oxford Library keeper (that then was) was in hand with 
them ab't them a long time, and did hope the Publiq'e 
Library might Compose them, but that could not bee then 
Effected, it riseing to so greate a sume as had been 
Expended on them for so long a time together. 

And if that Trayterous Usurper had taken Notice of them 
by any Informacon, hee to secure them had made and 
signed an Acquittance for One thousand pounds acknowl- 
edged to be Received in parte of that Bargaine, and have 
sent that 1 mediately thither, and they to have Challenged by 
virtue of that as Bought by them who had more Power then 
hee had that Collected them to have Contended w'th him 



Gleanings of Mew England History. 283 

for them by the Power that they and their freinds could 
have made. 

All theis hard Shifts and Exigents hath hee been put 
unto to preserve them, and preserved they are (by Provi- 
dence) for the use of Succeeding Ages wch will scarce 
have Faith to Believe that such horrid and most detestable 
Villanyes were ever Comitted in any Christian Common 
Wealth since Christianity had a Name." 

Then follows a letter from Barlow, newly appointed 
Bishop of Lincoln, who had been the Librarian at Oxford, 
and was named one of the Trustees, by the will of the Col- 
lector, who died 1666, for the preservation of this remarka- 
ble parcel of books. It is addressed, "For ye reverend Mr. 
Thomason," the son of the gatherer of this treasure, and 
seemed worth the transcribing: 

" My reverend friend, 

I am about to leave Oxon (my deare mother) and that 
excellent and costly Collection of Bookes, which have so 
longe beene in my hand there. I intreate you either to 
remove them, or speake to my successor, that they may 
continue there, till you can otherwise conveniently dispose of 
them. Had I money to my minde, I would be your Chap- 
man for them ; but the Collection is soe great, and my purse 
soe little that I cannot compasse it. It is such a Collection 
(both for the vast number of Bookes, and ye exact method 
they are bound in) as none has, nor possibly can have, 
besides your selfe. The use of that Collection might be of 
exceedinge benefitt to the publique (both Church and State) 
were it plac'd in some safe Repository, where learned and 
sober men might have accesse to, and ye use of it. The 
fittest place for it (both for use and honor) is the Kings, Sir 
Tho. Bodlies, or some publique Library ; for in such places 
it might be most safe and usefull. I have longe indeavour'd 
to find Benefactors and a way to procure it for Bodlies 
Library, and I doe not despaire but such a way may be 
found in good time by 

your affectionate friend 

and Brother, 

Thomas Lincolne." 

Oxon, Feb. 6, 1676. 

Next comes a certificate from the Clerk of the Privy 
Council, in substance, that his Majesty in Council was 



284 Gleanings for JYeiv England History, 

pleased, 15 May 1684, on a petition from Anne Mearne, 
relict of Samuel Mearne, his Majesty's Stationer, lately- 
deceased, to give leave to dispose of this Collection, and 
make sale of the said Books as she shall think fit, the peti- 
tioner's husband having been commanded by Sir Jos. Wil- 
liamson, Secretary of State, to purchase the same ; and the 
reasons offered in the petition being " the great charge they 
cost," and the burthen on the family " by their lying undis- 
posed of so long." 

This closing is, surely, disreputable to the character of 
Charles II. but he had so many heavier sins of ingratitude 
to the supporters of his father to answer for, that no com- 
ment is needed. It would have been agreeable, had the 
preface pursued the history of the Collection until it came to 
the possession of George III. 

Some of the rare tracts in the Catalogue I think good to 
give titles of, with the dates marked on them by the gath- 
erer, as the day when he obtained them. Of our Wonder- 
working Providences the imprint on titlepage is 1654, but 
Thomason procured a copy nearly four months before the 
close of 1653, and erased the last figure and substituted a 
3. Remembering that this " History of New England " 
bore the date in our copies, and finding, in the General 
Catalogue, sub voce New England, a History inserted as 
printed at London the year before, my curiosity was eager 
to examine it. It instantly appeared to be the identical 
work of our Capt. Edward Johnson of Woburn, though it 
was not known in England, that he was the author. Of a 
few of these works, generally unattainable on our side of the 
ocean, an abstract of the subjects may be acceptable. 

New Englands Tears for Old Englands Fears. Preached 
in a Sermon on July 28, 1640, being a day of Pubike 
Humiliation, appointed by the Churches in behalfe of our 
Native Country in time of fearful dangers, by William 
Hooke, Minister of God's word, sometime of Axmouth in 
Devonshire, now of Taunton in New England. London, 
1641. A passage on p. 16 is well adapted to refresh the 
sensibility of his flock : " There is no Land that claimes our 
name, but England, wee are distinguished from all the 
Nations in the world by the name of English. There is no 
Potentate breathing, that we call our dread Soveraigne, but 
King Charles, nor Lawes of any Land have civilized us, 



Gleanings for JYew England History. 285 

but Englands ; there is no Nation that calls us Countrymen, 
but the English. Brethren ! Did wee not thence draw in 
our first breath ? Did not the Sunne first shine there upon 
our heads 1 Did not that Land first beare' us, even that 
pleasant Island, but for sin, I would say, that Garden of the 
Lord, that Paradise 1 " This tract is No. 5 of Vol. XII. 

The Retractation of Mr. Charles Chauncy, formerly Min- 
ister of Ware in Harford shire, wherein is proved the un- 
lawfulnesse and danger of Rayling in Altars or Communion 
Tables, written with his own hand before his going to New 
England in the yeer 1637. Published by his own direction 
for the satisfaction of all such who either are, or justly might 
be offended with his scandalous submission, made before the 
High Commission Court Febr. 11 anno 1635. London, 
4to printed 1641. An Address to the Courteous Reader 
occupies five pages, the whole tract 39, It is No. 15 in 
Vol. XXIV. 

Plaine Dealing, or newes from New England by Lech- 
ford is No. 22 of Vol. XL1I. 

Newes from New England of a most strange and prodi- 
gious birth, brought to Boston in N. E. Oct. the 17, being a 
true and exact Relation, brought over April 19 1642 by a 
Gentleman of good worth now resident in London. This 
is only the short story of Mrs. Dyer's suffering, in twenty- 
one lines, put into a preposterous publication of five other 
monstrous births, a llcomprised in five pages, and the Boston 
story is longer than either of the others, except the last. It 
is No. 22 in Vol. LI. 

An answer of the Elders of the Church of New England 
unto nine positions, No. 9 of CXI. came out or was obtained 
15. June 1643. 

A letter of many ministers in old England requesting the 
judgment of their brethren in New England. No. 20 of 
CX VI. July 10. 

A short story of the Rise, Reigne and Ruine of the Anti- 
nomians &c. This tract contains 66 pages, besides 17 of 
preface by T. Welde ; but an initiatory address " To the 
Reader" is, " I meeting with this Book, newly come forth of 
the Presse, and being earnestly pressed by diverse to perfect 
it, by laying down the order & sense of this story (which 
in the Book is omitted) " &c. &c. &c. &c„ as if the petty dis- 

vol. viu. 36 



286 Gleanings for JYew England History. 

ingenuity could conceal the workmanship. No. 16 of 
CXLIII. marked 19 Feb. '43. 

A letter from New England, written by Mr. Tho. Parker, 
declaring his judgment touching the government practised in 
the churches of New England. No. 22 of same vol. got 
same day. 

A brief relation of some church courses in New England. 
No. 11 ofCXLVI. 9 March. 

New England's advice to Old England, both their gov- 
ernments compared. 17 of CLXIII. 5 July '44. 

Weld's Answer to W. R's narration of the practises of 
the Churches in N. E. 18 of CLXVII. 27 July. 

New England's Lamentations for Old England's present 
errours. 18 of CXCVIII. March 45. 

The way of the Churches of Christ in New England, by 
Mr. John Cotton. 13 of CC. 4 April. 

A brief discovery of Familism. 10 of CCI. 9 April. 

A Reply to a Confutation of some grounds for Infants Bap- 
tisme, as also concerning the form of a church, put forth 
against mee by one Thomas Lamb. Hereunto is added a 
Discourse of the Verity and validity of Infants Baptisme, 
wherein I endevour to clear it in itself; as also in the minis- 
ter's administring it, and the manner of administration by 
Sprinkling &, not Dipping, with sundry other particulars 
handled herein. [The title page then quotes Matthew vii. 
15 and two long Latin sentences, from August. Enchir. cap. 
42 and Hieron. adv. Pelagian. Dialog, ter.] by George Phil- 
ips of Watertown in New England. London, Printed by 
Matthew Simmons for Henry Overton. 4 of CCXI. 10 
June. An address to the Reader of 10 pages, signed Tho. 
Sheparcl, is followed by the author's address in 4 pages to 
the Reader, in which he says, that he never writ the Treatise 
answered nor one word to the writer (wholly unknown to 
him) nor to any other in England about this matter; and 
then relates, that Nathaniel Biscoe " coming from England 
and sitting down with us at Watertown, upon a time desired 
some conference with me," about two points &c. which it is 
not worth the space to give, as probably Govr. Winthrop 
has said enough about the matter. The tract fills 154 pages. 

Mercurius Americanus, Mr. Welds his Antitype, or Mas- 
sachusetts great Apologie examined, being observations 
upon a paper styled A short story of the Rise, Reigne and 



Gleanings for New England History. 287 

Ruine of the Familists &c. &c. wherein some parties therein 
concerned are vindicated, and the truth generally cleared. 
By John Wheelwright junr. London. Printed and are to 
be sold at the Bull near the Castle Tavern in Cornhill 1645. 
No. 37 of CCXXXIII. 25 Novr. An address to the reader 
fills 2 pages, the whole tract 24, after w T hich comes a letter 
" To his honored friend Capt. Thomas Kingerbie," in which 
the writer says " in all times it is best to dedicate to a friend, 
in these times to a soldier," &c. &c. 

Simplicities Defence against Seven-headed Policy in the 
Government of the Church in New England. 16 of 
CCLXXXIV. 8 Novr. '46. 

The Simple Cobler of Agawam in America, willing to 
help mend his native country &c. No. 21 of CCXCVI. 
29 Jan'y. Of this curious book, equally remarkable for its 
uncharitableness and its wit, so full an account, as also of 
Nath. Ward, the author, was given in the Boston Monthly 
Anthology VI. 341, that it may be unnecessary to add a 
word, except to correct two slight errors, about the time of 
his Master's degree at the University, here before set right, 
and the date of his leaving this country. Brook, in his Lives 
of the Puritans, says he returned to England in 1645. 

The Day breaking, if not the Sun rising of the 
Gospel &c. 17 of CCCVII. 6 April '47. 

New England's Jonas cast up at London, 5 of 
CCCVIII. 15 April. 

The bloody tenent washed. 7 of CCCXI. 15 
May. 

New Englands Salamander discovered. 8 of 
CCCX1V. 29 May. 

Hypocrisy unmasked. 23 of CCCXXXIII. 2 
Oct. 

The clear sunshine of the Gospel breaking 
forth. 14 of CCCLV. 3 March. 

Good Newes from New England, with an exact relation 
of the first planting of that country, A description of the 
profits accruing by the Worke, Together with a briefe, but 
true Discovery of their Order both in Church and Common- 
wealth, and maintenance allowed the painfull Labourers in 
that Vineyard of the Lord. With the names of the severall 
Towns, and who be Preachers to them. 4to. London. 



Well 
known 
works 
> of which 
dates of 
publication 
are inter- 
esting. 



288 Gleanings for New England History, 

Printed by Matthew Simmons 1647-8. 21 of CCCLV. 

10 March. Of this tract our great bibliographer, Mr. Rich, 
in his catalogue, giving the short title and remarking, that 
the work is in the British Museum, asks, is this a reimpres- 
sion of Winslow ? So it is apparent, that he had not looked 
at the book. The same suggestion of my own mind caused 
me to neglect it, until two days before leaving London, 
when it was found to be a very curious pamphlet of 24 pages, 
that would have been exactly copied, had time permitted. 
It is much in the style of Johnson's Wonder-working Provi- 
dences. 

The glorious progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians, 

11 of CCCCXXIII. June 49. 

The copy of a Letter written to his sister, Mrs. Elizabeth 
Avery, touching sundry opinions by her maintained. By 
Mr. Thomas Parker, sometimes of Newbury in the County 
of Berks. London, 1650. This copy was marked by Thom- 
ason, as obtained by him 29 Novr., of course 1649. It is 
No. 3 of CCCCL. It is accompanied by an Epistle to the 
Reader by Benjamin Woodbridge, the first born of Harvard 
College, then a minister in England, who says, he had 
" received other letters to my dear friend, Mrs. Avery" from 
Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Noyes, relative to her 
strangely turning away from the faith. She had printed a 
book containing those errors. Parker's answers fill twenty 
pages dated at our Newbury, Novr. 1648. 

The meritorious price of our redemption, justification, &c. 
clearing it from some errors, by William Pinchin. 3 of 
CCCCLXXII, 2 June, 1650. 

[Of the fourth of the Tracts about spreading the Gospel 
among the Indians, Light appearing more and more, I failed 
to take notice, and can give no exact date of its publication, 
which we know was in 1651.] 

" 111 Newes from New England, or A Narrative of New 
England's Persecution. Wherein is declared, that while 
Old England is becoming new, New England is become 
Old. Also four Proposals to the Honoured Parliament and 
Councel of State, touching the way to Propagate the Gospel 
of Christ (with small charge and great safety) both in Old 
England and New. Also four conclusions touching the faith 
and order of the Gospel of Christ out of his last Will and 



Gleanings for JYew England History. 289 

Testament, confirmed and justified. By John Clark Phy- 
sician of Rode Island in America. 
Revel. 2. 25 Holdfast till I come, 

3. 1 1 Behold I come quickly, 
22. 20 Amen, even so come Lord Jesus. London, 
Printed by Henry Hills living in Fleet- Yard next door to 
the Rose and Crown, in the year 1652." This very rare 
tract is No. 5 in vol. DXXX Thomason marks 13 May. 
It was the first object of my inquiry in London, and on 13 
June some hours were spent in abstracting the work. Six 
pages are occupied with the address, or Epistle Dedicatory, 
to the Parliament and Councel of State for the Common- 
wealth of England, of "your humble and faithful subject, 
John Clark." The second part, in five pages, " To the 
Honored Magistracy, the Presbytery, ar?^ their dependency 
in the Mathatusets Colony in New England, The author 
wisheth repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth as it 
is in Jesus Christ," subscribed " your loving friend and 
countreyman, John Clark. 5 ' A third address to the true 
Christian Reader, in four pages, is succeeded by "A brief 
discourse touching New England as to the matter in hand, 
and to that part of it, sci. Rode Island, where my residence is, 
together with the occasion of my going out with others from 
the Mathatusetts Bay, and the many providential! occur- 
rences that directed us thereto, and pitched us thereon. 
As also the Contents of the whole Treastise." This portion 
of the pamphlet, filling over three pages, being the most 
valuable, I extract : " New England is a name (as is gener- 
ally known) that was, and still is, call'd upon that place in 
reference to Old, yet not so much because it is peopled, and 
planted from thence, for so are many other Plantations of 
the English in those Western parts ; but because it resem- 
bles the same, as the daughter the mother. It. resembles it 
in the Climate, in the times and seasons of the year, in the 
fruits which the land naturally produceth, in the fouls, and 
the fish that are there in abundance. It resembles it in 
their politicall affairs ; for their governments, laws, Courts, 
Officers, are in a great measure the same, and so are the 
names of their towns & Counties ; and in point of good 
husbandry, that which is raised and produced in New Eng- 
land more substantially, and whether it be for food or rai- 



290 Gleanings for New England History. 

ment it is the same with that which is here produced in Old. 
It is a place (in the largest acceptation) that contains in it 
all the Plantations of the English upon that coast of America, 
that lie between the Dutch Plantation on the West, and the 
French on the East, and extends itself upon the Seacoast 
above one hundred leagues. In it is contained the four 
Colonies, which call themselves the united Colonies, The 
Colony called by the name of the Province of Providence 
Plantations lying on the South and South East thereof, and 
two or three more lying on the East or North East in 
Agamenticus, Saco, Casco Bay and Pemaquid, where is 
that Treasure of Masts for Ships. The names of the united 
Colonies are these, in point of precedency first Matatusetts, 
but in point of antiquity first Plymouth, then the Matatusetts, 
then Conectecot, and last Quinipiuck. The chief Towns of 
these Colonies, and seats of their Government are these, 
Boston of the Mathatusetts, Plymouth of Plymouth, Hereford 
of Conectecot, and of Quinipiuck, New Haven. 

Now as the name, New England, in the largest and truest 
acceptation extends to all the Plantations of the English 
between the French and the Dutch, so in a scanty and 
improper acceptance of the word (especially when it makes 
for advantage) it is taken for these four united Colonies, by 
reason of the precedency they have of others, and for the 
same cause, and upon the point as well, it may be taken for 
the Mathatusetts, and the Town of Boston therein. When I 
speak of New England, understand it of that part which hath 
got the precedency (by reason of shipping) and start of the 
rest, sci. the Mathatusetts, as both in my Epistle and Narra- 
tive is plain to be seen, which I have here also inserted 
for fear of mistake. 

In the Colony of Providence Plantations in point of an- 
tiquity the Town of Providence is chief, but in point of 
precedency Rode Hand excels. This Hand lieth in the 
Narragansett Bay, being fourteen or fifteen miles long, and 
in breadth between four and five miles at the broadest : It 
began to be planted by the English in the beginning of the 
year 39, and by this hand of providence. In the year 1637 
I left my native land, and in the ninth moneth of the same, I 
(through mercy) arrived at Boston. I was no sooner on 
shore, but there appeared to me differences among them 



Gleanings for JYew England History. 29 1 

touching the Covenants, and in point of evidencing a mans 
good estate, some prest hard for the Covenant of works, 
and for sanctification to be the first and chief evidence, 
others prest as hard for the Covenant of grace that was 
established upon better promises, and for the evidence of 
the Spirit, as that which is a more certain, constant and sat- 
isfactory witness. I thought it not strange to see men differ 
about matters of Heaven, for I expect no less upon Earth : 
But to see that they were not able to bear each with other 
in their different understandings and consciences, as in those 
utmost parts of the World to live peaceably together, where- 
upon I moved the latter, for as much as the land was before 
us and wide enough, with the proffer of Abraham to Lot, 
and for peace sake to turn aside to the right hand, or to the 
left. The motion was readily accepted, and I was requested 
with some others to seek out a place, which accordingly I 
was ready to do ; and thereupon by reason of the suffocating 
heat of the Summer before, I went to the North to be some- 
what cooler, but the Winter following proved so cold, that 
we were forced in the Spring to make towards the South ; 
so having sought the Lord for direction, we all agreed that 
while our vessell was passing about a large and dangerous 
Cape, we would cross over by land, having Long Island and 
Delaware Bay in our eie for the place of our residence ; 
so to a town called Providence we came, which was begun 
by one M. Roger Williams (who for matter of conscience 
had not long before been exiled from the former jurisdiction) 
by whom we were courteously and lovingly received and 
with whom we advised about our design: he readily pre- 
sented two places before us in the same Narragansett 
Bay, the one upon the main called Sow-wames, the other 
called then Acquedneck, now Rode Island : we enquired 
whether they would fall in any other Patent, for our resolu- 
tion was to go out of them all : he told us (to be brief) that 
the way to know that, was to have recourse unto Plymouth ; 
so our vessell as yet not being come about, and we thus 
blocked up, the company determined to send to Plymouth, 
and pitched upon two others together with myself, requesting 
also M. Williams to go to Plymouth to know how the case 
stood. So we did, and the Magistrates thereof very lovingly 
gave us a meeting. I then informed them of the cause of 



292 Gleanings for New England History, 

our coming unto them, and desired them in a word of truth 
and faithfulness to inform us whether Sow-wames were 
within their Patent, for we were now on the wing, and were 
resolved through the help of Christ to get cleer of ali, and 
be of ourselves, and provided our way were cleer before us, 
it were all one for us to go further off, as to remain neer at 
hand : their answer was, that Sow-wames was the garden 
of their Patent, and the flower in the garden : then I told 
them we could not desire it ; but requested further in the 
like word of truth and faithfulness to be informed, whether 
they laid claim to the Hands in the Narragansett Bay, and 
that in particular called Acqueclneck 1 They all with a 
cheerfull countenance made us this answer, it was in their 
thoughts to have advised thereto, and if the provident hand 
of God should pitch us thereon they should look upon us as 
free, and as loving neighbors and friends should be assistant 
unto us upon the main, &c. So we humbly thanked them, 
and returned with that answer : So it pleased the Lord, by 
moving the hearts of the natives, even the chiefest thereof, 
to pitch us thereon, and by other occurrences of providence, 
which are too large here to relate. So that having bought 
them off to their full satisfaction, we have possessed the 
place ever since ; and notwithstanding the different under- 
standings and consciences amongst us, without interruption, 
we agree to maintain civil Justice and judgement, neither are 
there such outrages committed amongst us as in other parts 
of the Country are frequently seen." 

Clark seems very fond of the number four, since, besides 
his Proposals to Parliament and Conclusions touching the 
Gospel, he uses the same division for his Narrative, which 
declares : " 1. How those three strangers were apprehended, 
imprisoned, sentenced and for what : 2. How the motion 
was made for a publique dispute, often repeated and prom- 
ised, and yet disappointed : 3. How two escaped, and the 
third was cruelly handled : 4. How two, for taking him but 
by the hand after his punishment, were apprehended, 
imprisoned, and sentenced to pay forty shillings or be whip- 
ped." The statement of the points in the four Conclusions 
may here be undesirable ; nor would it be expedient to add 
more than the heading of the first part of the Narrative: " A 
Faithful and True Relation of the Prosecution of Obediah 



Gleanings for Neiu England History. 293 

Holmes, John Grand al!, and John Clarke, meerly for Con- 
science towards God, by the principall Members of the 
Church, or Commonwealth of the Mathatusetts in New Eng- 
land which rules over that part of the World ; whereby is 
shewn their discourteous Entertainment of Strangers, and 
how that Spirit by which they are led, would order the 
whole World, if either brought under them, or should come in 
unto them : Drawn forth by the aforesaid John Clarke, not 
so much to answer the Importunity of Friends, as to stop 
the mouthes, and slanderous reports of such as are Enemies 
to the Cross of Christ. Let him that readeth it consider, 
which church is most like the church of Christ (that Prince 
of Peace, that meek and gentle Lamb, that came into this 
World to save Mens lives, not to destroy them) the Perse- 
cuted, or Persecuting." My excuse for not transcribing 
more is that the tract fills 76 close printed pages ; and I 
hope our friends in Rhode Island will reprint the work 
exactly, and so correct some casual errors in spelling, if any 
occur in my copy. 

Strength out of Weakness, Progress of the Gospel. 6 of 
DXXX1X. 4 Aug. 

The civil Magistrate's power in matters of religion. No. 2 
of DLIII. 15 Febr. Six pages of grievous dedication begin- 
ning " To the Right Honorable Oliver Cromwell, Captain 
General of all the forces of the Commonwealths of England, 
Scotland and Ireland, Grace, Mercy and Peace be multi- 
plied," and ending with the date and signature, " Lynne in 
New England this 4th of the 8th 52 Your Excellencies' 
humbly devoted servant Thos. Cobbet," are followed by 
four pages of address to the Reader, with signature again, 
and the residue of the work is 108 pages. 

A brief answer to a scandalous pamphlet, called III News 
from New England written by, &c. 3 of DLIII. 15 Feb. 
This work, appropriately bound up with the last mentioned 
tract, fills 52 pages. It begins : " Since my composing the 
former Discourse about the civil Magistrate his coercive 
power in matters of Religion, &c." showing, that its author 
was Cobbet. There is a P. S. defending Winslow, and 
giving a minute detail of curious particulars in proceedings 
of Newman's church at Rehoboth. Rich's Catalogue notices 
a copy in the Philadelphia Library. 

vol. viu. 37 



294 Gleanings for JVeiv England History. 

A Platform of church Discipline, &c. Synod of Cambridge 
in New England. 7 of DLVIII. 24 April 

Tears of Repentance. The sixth tract about evangelizing 
our Indians, 16 of DLXIII. 21 May. Of the seventh publi- 
cation, that came out in 1655, no minute was taken by me. 

A brief Description of the Fifth Monarchy. 8 of DLXX1V. 
1 August. This did not occupy me a minute, because 
sufficient account of the work is in a note to Winthrop's His- 
tory of New England 1. 33. 

A history of New England from the English planting in 
1628 until 1652 (i. e. Wonderworking Providences). 4 of 
DLXXXVII. 29 Novr. 1653. 

The Orthodox Evangelist. 9 of DC. 9 May 54. 

A treatise of the Sabbath, &c. by William Pynchon. 5 of 
DCXXIII. 7 Novr. 

Holy time, or the true limits of the Lord's day, by William 
Pynchon. 6 of DCXXIII. 7 Novr. 

Samuel Vassall of London his Petition to the Parliament. 
5 of DCCXLI. 23 Jany. 57, reciting, that he endured impris- 
onment in several prisons for about 16 years, for opposing 
the illegal taxes laid by the late King, and his goods were 
taken away, and that the consideration of his case being 
referred to a Committee, on their Report the House voted 
him £10445, 12, 2 for his damages, and would farther con- 
sider his case ; that he had received not one penny ; that 
.£2591, 17, 6 also were lent to the Parliament by him in Ire- 
land in their great straights, and that also for one of his 
ships service £3328, 2, 7 were due, and for part of three 
other ships in service, and he makes up the whole to be 
£20010, 19, 8. Besides all which, another ship of his, the 
Mayflower, laden, manned with sixty men for the Streights, 
was taken, by order of the Committee of Safety, for public 
service, and after being returned and fitted for another 
voyage, taken again from him, to prevent some design of the 
enemy, to the overthrow of his voyage, and his great losse. 

Abel being dead yet speaketh. Life and death of John 
Cotton by John Norton 6 of DCCXLIV. 14 April. 

America painted to the Life. By Ferdinando Gorges, 
Esq. is Vol. DCCLXXVI. 2 Mar 58. 

A dissertation concerning Church members and their 
children by Assembly of Divines at Boston in New England. 
3ofDCCXCIV. 17 June. 



Gleanings for New England History. 295 

The Christian Commonwealth, or the civil policy of the 
rising kingdom of Jesus Christ. By John Eliot, 10 of 
DCCCV. 26 Oct. 

All the foregoing volumes, and others, up to 870, are small 
quartos. Catalogue of 142 volumes, large quartos, shows 
nothing about our country, except in Newspapers, which are 
the chief contents of this parcel. Next follows Catalogue of 
1968 pieces in 905 volumes of the octavo size, of which 
but kw were attractive to me. 

A Key into the Language of America, &c. By Roger 
Williams of Providence in New England. London, printed 
by Gregory Dexter, 1643. Vol. LXVIII. 7 Septr. 

A description of the new world, or America, islands and 
continent, by George Gardyner. Vol CCV. 16 Jany. 1649. 

The tenth Muse lately sprung up in America, or several 
poems. Also, a Dialogue between Old England and New, 
concerning the late troubles. With divers other pleasant 
and serious Poems. By a Gentlewoman in those parts. 
Vol. CCLXXIV. marked 5 July 1650. It opens with an 
address to the " Kind Reader," ending with verses, by N. 
Ward, followed by three pages of verses " To my deare 
Sister, the Author of these Poems," signed I. W. another 
copy of verses, signed C. B. another, signed R. Q. with a 
fourth, signed N. H. a fifth "upon the author," signed C. B. 
i( another to Mrs. Anne Bradstreete author of this poem," 
signed H. S. and a final page of two Anagrams. No more 
need be said, as the second edition in a decent 12mo. 
printed at Boston by John Foster 1678 is in our Library. 

The heart of New England rent at the blasphemies of the 
present generation, or a brief tractate concerning the Doc- 
trines of the Quakers. By John Norton. Vol. DCCCXVIII. 
marked Jany. 1659. 

Eleventh and twelfth Vols, of the Catalogue refer to the 
folios, only 38 in number, filled with single sheets, as public 
Acts, Proclamations, &c. 

Of one of the first class of Harvard College I found a 
letter in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa II. 504 of the Ed. in 
4to. being No. 19 of lib. XIII. which may seem worth copy- 
ing, addressed to the clerk of the Council of State : i; After 
my humble service and thankfulnesse for all your christian 
respect and favours, I am occasioned by an extraordinary 



296 Gleanings for New England History. 

exigent, to move you, a little beyond my bounds, that (as 
this bearer, Mr. Gierke, my agent & faithfull friend, shall 
explaine my affairs to you) you may vouchsafe to lighten my 
present cares so farre as (with securitie from my Lord 
Charles Fleetwood or lieutenant general Ludlow) you shall 
find safe and convenient. Wherein you would greatly 
refresh my bowells, &, (with your pardon of this strange 
boldnesse) more oblige me to be 

your very humble faithful servant, 

Alby in Norfolk, July XXVI. Natl. Brewster. 

MDCLVIII. 

These to the worthily honored Henry Scobell Esq. pres- 
ent, in AVestminster." 

One of my principal pursuits was to obtain evidence of 
births or marriages of our early settlers, in which the fre- 
quent failure of registries in the Parishes subjected me to be 
sometimes disheartened. Occasionally there may be too 
heavy expense in searching those records ; but usually the 
keepers are as liberal as exact. For the copious extracts 
from the Parish Register of Groton in Suffolk, 1 was 
indebted to Richard Almack, Esquire, which are here given 
precisely as transcribed : 

15S2 Teomasing ^lopton the daughter of Mr. Willra Clopton Gent, and of 

Mistress Margery his wife was baptised the 18th day of February. 

(She was married to John Winthrop and died in childbed 1626.) 
1587 2 John Winthrop the sonne of Adam Winthropp and Anna his wife was 

baptised the 16th January. 
1592 Jane the daughter of Adam Winthrop was baptised the 17th daie of 

June. 
1600 Lucie Winthropp the daughter of Adam Winthropp Gent, and Mrs. 

Anna his wife was baptised the 27th day of January. 
1605 John Winthropp the sonne of John Winthropp and of Marie his wife 

was baptised the 23d of February. 
1607 Hennery Winthropp the sonne of John Winthropp and of Mary his wife 

was baptised the 19th day of Januarye. 

1614 Anna Winthropp the daughter of John Winthrop Esqre. was baptised 

the 8th day of August. 

1615 Anna Winthropp the daughter of John Winthrop Esq. was baptised the 

the 26th of June. 
1619 Steven the son of John Winthrop Esqre. and Margaret his 3d wife was 
baptised the last daie of March. 

1 The seat of the family, of which William was the head, was Castleins, a manor 
house in Groton. It is often mentioned in the letters of Govr. Winthrop to his third 
wife. The date of the death of this second wife is, evidently, an error of transcrip- 
tion, as the true time is given afterwards. 

2 He was four days old, when baptized, as his father mentions his birthday in the 
Almanac we possess. 



Gleanings for New England History. 297 

1620 Adam the sonne of John Winthropp Esquire was baptised the 9th of 

April. 
1622 Deane Winthropp the sonne of John Winthroppe Esqre was baptised the 

23d of Marche. 
1624 Nathaniel Winthroppe the sonne of John Winthroppe Esquire was bap- 
tised the 20th of Februarie. 
1627 Samuell the sonne of John Winthroppe Esqre. & Margaret his wife 

August the 26th. 
1630 Ann Winthropp daughter of John Esqre. and Margaret his 3d wife bap- 
tised Apnll 29th. 
Martha Winthropp daughter of Harry & Elizabeth his wife baptised 

May 9th. 
1651 Stephen Winthropp sonne of Stephen Winthroppe and of Judith his 

wife was born May 13th. 
1563 Willrn Mildmaye Esq. and Annis Winthropp widow was married the 

7th daie of June — Thomas his son, and Alice her daughter the 

12th of the same Month. 
1579 Adam Winthrop Gent. & Anne Browne were married the 20th daie of 

Februarie. 
1604 Thomas 2 Jones and Anna Winthropp were married the 20th daie of 

Februarie — She died the 16th daie of Maie Anno 1619. 
1612 3 Thomas Gosline and Mrs. Jane Winthrop were married the 5th day of 

January. 
1615 John Winthrop Esq. and Thomasinge Clopton was married the 6th day 

of Deer. 

1622 Immanuell Downinge and Luce Winthropp Gent were married the 10th 

of Aprile. 
1630 John Winthrope and Martha 4 Jones were married Februarie the 8th. 
1562 5 Adam Winthrop the elder Esq was buryed the 12th day of November. 

1614 Anna Winthrop the daughter of John Winthrope Esq. was buried the 

26th day of August. 

1615 Mrs. Mary Winthropp the first wife of John Winthrope Esq was buryed 

the 26th day of June. 
Anna Winthrop her daughter was buryed the 29th day of June. 

1616 A younge child of John Winthrop Esq. was buried the second of De- 

cember. 
Mtrs. Thomasin Winthrope the 2d wife of John Winthrop Esq. was 
buried the 11th day of December. 

1623 Adam Winthropp Gent, was buried the 28th of Marche. 
1629 6 Mrs. Winthropp Senr. April the 19th. 

L630 Mrs. 7 Forth Wintropp buried 23d November. 



1 This Thomas was knighted (I suppose, by Queen Elizabeth) and resided at 
Springfield Barnes in Essex. He left issue by Alice Winthrop, (who was, of course, 
aunt of our first Governor,) and Sir Wm. Mildmay, created baronet in 1765 was de- 
scended from them. See Burke's Extinct Baronetcies. 

2 Probably the name Fones, several times occurring in the printed letters of Govr. 
Winthrop is mistaken for Jones ; or this name is an error, and should be that. 

3 Philip was given as the name of Mr. Gostling in an old genealogy, by some 
mistake ; or was assumed, erroneously, from the use of this name in the first will of 
Winthrop, instead of Thomas, who was, probably, son of Philip. 

4 She was, we may presume, daughter of her husband's aunt. 

5 No doubt this was the grandfather of Govr. Winthrop ; and, probably, to him was 
made the grant of the manor of Groton from Henry VIII. after the suppression of 
the religious houses. 

6 Beyond question, this is our Governor's mother. See his letters April 29 and 
May 8 of this year. 

7 We had never heard before of the marriage of Forth Winthrop. He was a son 
of the first John by the first wife, but younger, probably, than Henry, from the order 



298 Gleanings for Neiv England History. 

An earnest desire was felt to ascertain, more plainly than 
can be learned from Mather's Magnalia, the derivation of 
Govr. Bradford. My application was made to the most 
competent authority, yet with only partial success, as the 
following letter evinces : 

30 Torrington Square, Sept, 11, 1842. 

My Dear Sir, — There have been many persons of the 
surname of Bradford, living in the parts of Yorkshire in the 
vicinity of Doncaster, and at Doncaster itself, where the 
name occurs in the Catalogue of Mayors. One family of 
the name, who were settled at Arksey, a village about three 
miles North of Doncaster, appeared at Sir William Dugdale's 
Visitation of the County in 1665 and 1666, when they re- 
corded a Pedigree, which I have printed in my account of 
Arksey (South Yorkshire, Vol. I.) from MS. C. 40 in the 
College of Arms. There was a still older family of the 
name seated in the neighborhood of Wakefield, of whom I 
have seen account in Collections of Yorkshire Genealogies, 
but no mention of any member of it going to New England. 

One family of the name possessed a small estate at 
Austerfield, a chapelry about nine miles south of Doncaster, 
and within a short distance of Bawtry. This name might 
be so easily read Ansterfield, that it appears highly probable 
such a mistake has been made by some one, and that this is 
the place at which Governor Bradford was born. At the 
same time I have seen nothing which directly connects him 
with this family, of whom the following is all that has oc- 
curred to me. 

1606 April 11. Robert Bradfourth is a witness to the 
will of Robert Hartley of Austerfield, yeoman. 

1607 March 1. Thomas Bradfurth of Doncaster, yeoman, 
" To Richard Bradfurth, my son, one bible-book and one 

in which he is named in his father's will made in 1620, and was, when that will was 
altered, upon the death of Henry, presumed to be alive. This appears by his name 
remaining, the obliterated parts being included between * stars *. His baptism is 
not mentioned in the above list, and perhaps it occurred in Loudon. It may be 
thought, that in the transcription there is an error, and that Mrs. should be Mr. Of 
Nathaniel, before mentioned, notice is never found, and he, probably, died in early 
youth. The children of Govr. Winthrop, then, were fifteen in all, scilicet, the ten, 
whose baptisms are given above, one, the child of the second wife, dying before bap- 
tism, Mary and Forth, children of the first wife, perhaps not born at Groton, Wil- 
liam, child of the third wife, and Joshua, of the fourth, both born in this city. 



Gleanings for New England History. 299 

halberd," also a messuage and lands, — 205. to the poor of 
Doncaster — daur. Catherine Bradfurth — daur. Anne Wild- 
bore. 

1609 April 15. Will of Robert Bradfurth of Austerfield, 
yeoman. After a short, pious, introduction, he gives to the 
Chapel at Austerfield 105. — to his servant Grace Wade the 
use of a house — * * * * * Thomas Silvester clerk and ser- 
vant Alice Welch — to his brother in law James Hall he 
gives a sorrel nag — son Robert his best iron-bound wain, 
his best joke of oxen, his counter wherein the Evidences 
are, one corselet with all the furniture belonging to it, a 
cupboard, table, and form. The residue he gives to his four 
children Robert, Mary, Elizabeth and Margaret Bradforth, 
and makes them his Executors. His good neighbour, Mr. 
Richardson of Bawtry is to have the tuition of his son 
Robert and daughter Margaret, and of their fortunes till 
they are 21 ; William Downer of Scrooby to have the like 
of Elizabeth, and Mr. Silvester of Awkley of his daugh- 
ter Mary. [Scrooby and Awkley are both villages near 
Austerfield.] He gives to his son Robert the reversion of 
two leases, one of which he has of the King's land in Aus- 
terfield, the other what he holds of Mr. Morton of Martin. 

1628 Novr. 28. Will of William Vesey of Brampton, gent, 
gives " lands at Austerfield which I bought of Robert Brad- 
forth." 

1630 May 20. Will of Robert Wright of Doncaster, 
draper, " To Robert Bradford of Austerfield my grey suit 
of apparel." — To Richard Bradford, son of Robert of Aus- 
terfield one fustian doublet and one pair of hose. 

1633 June 19. Will of Bryan Bradford of Doncaster, 
shearman — nephew Simon Bradford 10s. — wife to have 
the house he lives in, and on her death, to go to his nephew 
William Bradford &c. bequests small. 

This you will, at once, perceive, proves little more than 
that a family of the name of Bradford had lands at a place 
called Austerfield in Yorkshire ; and in the absence of any 
proof of there being an Ansterfield in that County, it may 
be thought a no unreasonable presumption, that this was the 
place intended. Yours faithfully 

Joseph Hunter. 

Austerfield, on my map of Yorkshire, is plainly to be seen. 



300 Gleanings for New England History. 

about a mile from Bawtry in Nottinghamshire. But in the 
map of Thoroton, Vol. III. of his Antiquities of Notting- 
hamshire, 4to. Ed. by John Throsby, 1790, it is printed with 
a mistake of n. for u. Awkley is about five miles North of 
A. and Scrooby as far South, the latter being in Nottingham. 

Greater felicity attended some of my inquiries in Devon- 
shire, where a kind friend and most assiduous antiquary, 
Revd. George Oliver of Exeter, favored me with his own 
researches and interested another gentleman in similar pur- 
suits. He wrote in September : " On one point 1 am satis- 
fied, that the parish of Thorncombe was the cradle 
of the Bowditch family. I have met with Robert Bow- 
ditche (who lived there) as one of the overseers of the will 
of Benedict Colmer of Thorncombe, Devon, which was 
made 13th May 1598, and was proved at Honiton 5 Aug't. 
the same year. — Sarah Bowditch's will of Thorncombe 
was proved here in 1686. — I am informed that a Robert 
Bowditch died Vicar of Broadhembury in 1712, and that 
the will was proved 18 July that year by his relict and 
Executrix Anne Bowditch. I have further been informed, 
that the will of Charlotte Bowditch of Heavitree was 
proved as late as 1826. 

I regret to add, that on the other interesting queries you 
propose, I cannot at present obtain satisfactory information. 
But I am not at all discouraged ; if I can ferret out any 
thing to serve your laudable purpose, you may depend on 
my forwarding it to you at Boston. Every ingenuous mind 
must be gratified with your investigations ; and they are 
particularly interesting at the present moment when the 
relations of the two countries approximate so much. The 
Mother country is much indebted to the Daughter country, 
but especially for the example she has given her of freedom 
of discussion and liberty of conscience." 

In conformity with his voluntary engagement, that gen- 
tleman on l4Novr. forwards me original memoranda supplied 
by his correspondent, James Davidson, at Axminster 11 
Novr. 1842, to "serve as hints for further investigation, if 
required : " " Bowditch. The name of Bowditch is very 
common in Axminster and the surrounding parishes, and 
there is reason to think that it has been in some instances 
altered to Bowdige, Bowridge and Burridge, all which may 



Gleanings for Neiv England History, 301 

be met with. — John Hod y of Beer Hall in Axminster left 
an only daughter married to Bowditch soon after 1635. 
Hody was descended from a respectable family at Nithaway 
in Brixham, of which several individuals are recorded by 
Lyson p. cc. To trace this family, it would probably be 
necessary to search the registers of many parishes. Geo. 
Bowdige of Axminster married Mary daur. of Geo. Warry 
of Wick in the same parish, and had a daur. Mary married 
at Musbury on the 24 Septr. 1751 to Jonathan Bilke of 
Axminster, clothier, and died Jany. 1795. Davy Bowditch 
was a landholder in Kilmington in 1751. — The name Bow- 
ridge appears at ShiHingford — Burridge at Tiverton, and 
at Ottery St. Mary in the beginning of the 17th century. 
It would be desirable to know, whether any coat of arms 
has been preserved by the family of Bowditch which might 
be compared with that on a stone to the memory of several 
persons of the name of Burridge in the church of Lyme 
Regis. 

Clap. I find the name Peter Clap, donor of parish lands 
in St, Sidwells, Exeter, in 1689 — at later dates the name 
may be met with at St. Patricks, and in Goldsmith street, 
Exeter, at Teignmouth, Okehampton, Bickleigh and Shute, 
and down to the present time, or nearly so, at South 
Taw ton. 

Drake. Of the family of Drake, in consequence of 
their possessions and connexions in this parish and the 
neighborhood, I have so many notices, that it would fill a 
little volume to transcribe them. I have pedigrees of the 
Drakes, knights and baronets of Ash, extending to twelve 
generations, and comprising not less than one hundred and 
fifty individuals, among them appear John and Robert 
Drake, sons of John Drake, Esq. of Exmouth (who was 
living in 1546) by Margaret, daur. of John Cole of Rill in 
the parish of Wythycombe Ralegh. John Drake the son 
was also of Exmouth, and married Julian, daur. and coheir 
of William Hurst of Exeter, by whom he had issue. — Of 
Robert D. his brother, no further particulars are mentioned, 
his name only being given in the Herald's Visitation. These 
were not of the family of the circumnavigator, 

Gibbs. The name of Gibbs occurs in several instances 
prior to 1640, and in many subsequent to that date. John 

vol. vin. 38 



302 Gleanings for New England History. 

Gibbs was witness to a deed at Modbury in 1464 — John 
Gibbs witness to a deed of Edw. Courtenay in 1475- — 
Robert Gibbs Vicar of Axmouth in 1597 — Gibbes of Fen- 
ton in the parish of Rattery sold his estates and removed 
about the time of Q. Eliz'h. — Canonteign in this county 
belonged to W. Gibbs about 1600. John Gibbs was donor 
of money to the poor of Dunchidcock in 1624. William 
Gibbs of Fenton sold Manworthy in Holsworthy to Hurst 
of Exeter. William Gibbs sold Boterford in North Huish 
to Prestwood of Exeter. In the pedigree of Drewe of 
Newton St. Cyres, Edmond D. married the daughter of 
Gibbs, and had an only daur. and heir, Mary, marrried 1st 
to Northcote, and 2dly to SirE. Giles. — In the church of 
Clist St. George are monuments to John Gibbs in 1652, 
aged 82, and Anstice his wife. George Gibbs 1683 aged 
81, George Gibbs 1725, who was donor of lands to the poor 
of that parish in 1721. If a coat of arms has been pre- 
served, it might assist in tracing the connections of the 
family for whom inquiry is made with one or other of the 
foregoing. The name appears at subsequent dates at Exe- 
ter, among the inscribed stones in the Cathedral church — 
Brixham — Georgeham — Ottery St. Mary — Topsham — 
Thorncombe — Axminster. In the church of St. Mary 
Arches at Exeter are gravestones to the ancestors of the 
late Chief Justice Sir Vicary Gibbs — John G. Esq. 1726 
— J. Gibbs Esq. 1746 &c. 

Harvard. If this name were originally Harward, it may 
be connected with the family which still remains, as it has 
done for more than three centuries, at Hayne in the parish 
of Plymtree. Here again a coat of arms would be of ser- 
vice. I find no mention of Harvard. 

Ludlow. Of this name I find no trace. 

Mavertck. Radford Maverick was Vicar of Ilsington in 
1603. Radford Maverick, Rector of Trusham between 
1586 and 1616. The registers of these parishes may pos- 
sibly contribute some information. 

Parsons. I meet with this name in the following 
instances. Polwhele mentions Parsons among the cele- 
brated medical men of Devon. Lysons mentions among 
the natives of Plymouth Mrs. Parsons, author of above 60 
volumes of novels. Elizabeth Parsons was a tenant under 



Gleanings for New England History, 303 

the manor of East Membury in 1605.— Parsons under 
master of Tiverton school 1633. In Exeter cathedral 
church are stones inscribed to Grace, daur. of Thomas 
Irish, priest vicar in that church, and wife of Robert Par- 
sons, died 1645, and Robert Parsons who died in 1676 — 
In Colyton church, Henry Parsons 5 died 1653— -Mary P. 
his wife, died 1666 — - Sarah, wife of Thomas Parsons, died 
1690. Among the donors of money to the poor of the par- 
ish of Culmstock appears John Parsons of Sanford Arundel 
in the Co. of Somerset, merchant in Portugal before 1674. 
John & Mary Parsons were donors of lands to the poor of 
the parish of Clayhiddon in 1693. Azariah Parsons of 
Peter's Tavy in the Co. of Devon was among the Royalists 
who compounded for their estates during the Usurpation 
in the 17th century — Robert Parsons Rector of Revve in 
1668. In 1732 Thomas Parsons was a freeholder in Kil- 
mington. A stone in Tiverton church records John Parsons 
merchant who died in 1735. John Parsons merchant 
appears a donor to the charity lands of Tiverton in 1771 — 
he had a daur. Mrs. Lewis, whose daughter was the lady of 
Sir John Duntze, bart. There are several families of this 
name in humble life in the neighbourhood of Axminster. 

Rossiter. The only instance I find of this name is in 
the Herald's Visitations for 1561, 1565 and 1620 — thus, 
William Perye of Westwater in the parish of Mam bury 
Esq. by his wife the daughter of John Fry of the family at 
Garry had a daughter who was married to * * * Rossiter. 
There is, I think, a family of this name now residing at 
Tiverton and another at Torquay. 

Southcott. This family branched out into many parts 
of Devon, into Essex, and Lincolnshire. In the pedigrees 
there are many individuals of the name of Thomas, about 
the middle of the 17th century. Thomas S. Esq. by 
Thomasine daur. of Kirkham of Blagdon in this county had 
S sons, George, Thomas & Peter. George had a son 
Thomas, who in 1643 was one of the Commissioners ap- 
pointed by the Parliament for the sequestration of the 
estates of the Royalists in Devon. The only two whom I 
find, of the name of Richard, are the second son of John 
Southcott of Bovy Tracey living in 1562, and Richard, born 
1616, the second son of John Southcott who was the third 



304 Gleanings for New England History. 

son of John S. the eldest son of John S. of Winkleigh in 
the co. of Devon. 

Warham. The only place in which I find this name 
mentioned is in the Revd. G. Oliver's Ecclesiastical Anti- 
quities of Devon, Vol. II. p. 157, William Warham Pre- 
bendary in the cathedral church of Exeter in 1536." 

Mr. Oliver subjoins : " The above is the handwriting of 
Mr. Davidson, a diligent Antiquary. I am perfectly satis- 
fied, however, that the Bowditchs were settled at Holdiche 
in Thorncombe Parish at an early period. In their house 
was a chapel licensed in honor of St. Melor by Bp. Stafford 
A. D. 1417. 

A few days since I was looking at the will of Bernard 
Prince of Kilmington, near Axminster, Gent, made 23 June 
1605 and proved 22 July the same year. He concludes 
thus : I doe appointe Overseers of this my Testament my 
good Brothers in Lawe, John Bowdiche and George Bow- 
diche, Gents, and Thomas Prince the elder, my Brother. 

I must repeat my promise not to lose sight of yr inquiries. 
I cannot sufficiently admire your love of antiquity, and the 
patriotism of your heraldic researches. To afford any assist- 
ance would be to me a pride and pleasure." 

Mr. Oliver had, in June, favored me with some information 
not altogether superseded by the later memoranda of his 
correspondent, as will appear by these extracts : " Gibbe or 
Gibbs came originally from Venton or Fenton in Dartington 
Parish. To Thos. Gybbe &, Margaret his wife Dr. Ed- 
mund Lacy, Bp. of Exeter on 22 June 1437 licensed a 
chapel, infra mansionem suam in Dartyngton situatam. In 
the early part of Q. Elizabeth's reign, the family sold this 
property, and settled in the Parish of St. George's Clist 
near Exeter. There I believe the late Surgeon of this City, 
Geo. Abraham Gibbs was born. He died here 9 Novr. 
1794, & was buried in the family vault at George's Clist. 
You are aware, that he was father to Sir Vicary Gibbs, who 
was born near Palace Gates, Exeter, and was baptized 12 
Novr. 1751 by Revd. Wm. West, the Arian Minister of this 
City. This eminent lawyer became Chief Justice of the 
Common Pleas, &, dying in Russell Square, London, on 8 
Feb. 1820 was buried at Hayes, Kent. Arms of Gibbs ? 
Ar. 3 Battle axes, sable. 



Gleanings for New England History, 305 

Southcotes came from Winkley Parish. A branch settling 
at Indio in S. Bovey, made a considerable fortune at the 
dissolution of Religious houses in Devon, to several of which 
he, John S. had previously been steward. From Indio rami- 
fications spread to Calverleigh, Mohun's Ottery, Shillingford, 
Dulcishays, all in Devon, and one branched to Bliborough, 
Co. Lincoln. Arms of Southcote, Arg. a Chevron Gules, 
betw. 3 cootes Sab." 

From the same gentleman I had learned, in May, that a 
Lutheran clergyman of Bremen, the great-grandfather of 
Lord Ashburton, had son John, who was born there in 1697 
came at the age of 20 to Exeter, was by Act of Parliament 
naturalized March 1723 died in 1748, having laid the founda- 
tions of the family property. He left several children, of 
whom one daughter married the celebrated lawyer, Dunning, 
the opponent of the ministry in the American revolutionary 
war, who, at its close, being made a peer, took the title of 
Lord Ashburton from the great landed interest of the Bar- 
ings in that vicinity. Francis, a son, made a baronet May 
1793 was father of Sir Thomas, of Alexander, the happy 
negotiator of the Treaty of Washington, and others. 

Other inquiries in Devon, in which abundant kindness 
was exhibited in all quarters, from Plymouth to Axminster, 
furnished some reward. At the parish of Plympton St. 
Mary, in which part of the church dates back to 1240, the 
register afforded evidence, that Thomas Snelling, son of 
William Snelling of Chaddlewood, who was son of Robert 
S. of Plympton, was born 1560 " married Joan, daughter 
and heiress of Thomas Elford, Esquire, of Bridge House ;" 
that "21 day of November 1644 was buried Thomas Snel- 
ling of Chaddlewood, gent." The incumbent of this par- 
ish, Revd. Wm. I. Coppard, favored me with copy of in- 
scription, in the neighboring parish church of St. Maurice, 
to the honor of " Samuel Snelling, Gent, twise maior of 
this town. He died the 20 day of November 1624," which 
is terminated by some lines not worth bringing so great a 
distance. His eyes, perhaps aided by his memory, deci- 
phered, from a time-worn, horizontal, freestone over a tomb 
in the grave yard, what would otherwise have eluded my 
power, the commemoration of " Sampson, son of John Snel- 
ling of Chaddlewood, who departed this life 26 Deer. 1638." 



306 Gleanings for New England History. 

From him I learned, too, that the arms of the Snellings here 
were the same with those in Gwillim's Heraldry, to which 
we turned, for the Snellings of Surrey ; and that the family 
in this quarter is long since extinct, and Chaddlewood has 
been some years in possession of the family of Symons. 

By Revd. Ambrose Stapleton, Vicar of East Budleigh, 
near Sidmouth, I was most liberally supplied with evidence 
from the registry of many generations of the families of 
Clap, Conant, and Ford, of which perhaps these few may 
be sufficient : 

William Conant married Novr.26— 1588 
Roger Conant baptized April 9 — 1593 
Philip Clap married Novr. 27 — 1606 
Philip Clap baptized January 28 — 1609 

Search for any memorial of Revd. John White, the friend 
of early planters in Massachusetts Bay before the Charter 
of Charles I, was unsuccessful. Vol. I. 390 of Hutchins' 
History of Dorset in 4 folios, in the part of his work assigned 
to the town and borough of Dorchester, title Parish of St. 
Peters, head of registers of burials, (which begins about 
J 560,) has these words : " 1648 July 24, Mr. John White, 
minister of God's word, was buried after abiding forty one 
years minister of this town." 

For the ancestor of the family of President Stiles of 
Yale College, Revd. Geo. Carter Cardale of Millbrook, 
near Ampthill, in Bedfordshire, searched the Parish register 
from 1564 for names of all the family down to 1650, and 
gave me transcript, as follows : " 1581 Rychard Stylles sonne 
of Rychard Stylles w r as baptized 20th of June. 1591 Maria 
Stylles daughter of Thomas Stylles was baptized 7th of 
March. 1595 John Stylles the son of Thomas Stylles was 
Christened the 25th of December. 1600 Chrystopher Styles 
the sonne of Thomas Stylles was baptized 28th March. 
1602 Francis Stylles son of Thomas Stylles was baptized 
the 1st day of August. 1604 Joane Stylles daughter of 
Thomas Stylles and Maria his Wyfe was baptized the 8th 
day of Januarie. 1605 Joane Stylles the Wyfe of Thomas 
Stylles was buried the 22 of Januarie. 1607 Elyzabeth 
Stylles Daughter of Thomas Stylles and Maria his Wyfe 
was baptized 28 December. 1612 Thomys Stylles Son of 
Thomas Stylles was baptized the 7 of February. 1614 
Wvddow Stvles was buried ye 20 March." 



Gleanings for New England History. 307 

Information of our Revd Zechariah Symmes and of Long, 
one of his parishioners, was sought from the place of his 
earliest labours, and was communicated in a letter of which 
I copy the greater part : 

" Dear Sir, — I am happy to inform you, that our Regis- 
ter contains many signatures by Zechariah Symmes as 
Minister of the parish of Dunstable in the County of Bed- 
ford. Burials 1625 from June to March 1625-6 we find 40 
funerals, & all marked — plague 

Signed Zecharye Symmes Minister. 

Nicholas Perkins, John Crawley Churchwardens. 

Baptized 1626 Jany. 10 Willm. Symmes the son of Zacharie Symmes baptized 
the 10th Jany. 

1628 Marie the Daughter of Zacharie Symmes was baptized the six- 

teenth day of April. 

1629 Elizabeth the Daughter of Zachariah Sjmmes baptized the first 

of January. 

1630 Huldah the Daughter of Zacharie Symmes the 18th March. 

1632 Hannah the Daughter of Zechariah Symmes 22th of August. 

1633 Rebekah Daughter of Zechariah Symmes 12th Feb. 

Buried 1633, 20 Burials are recorded. Signed 

Zechariah Symmes Minister 

Baptized Anno Domini 1630 ^nieI?OMie^° n \ Churchwardens 

Zacharye Sonne of Robert Longe the 20th of October 

Zachariah Symmes Minister. 

I certify that the Registers of Births viz. seven written on 
the reverse side of this paper and that above are all true 
Copies extracted from the Register Books belonging to the 
parish of Dunstable in the County of Bedford 

Solomon Piggott A. M. Rector of Dunstable 

Dunstable July 4th 1842. witness George Derbyshire 

Parish Clerk. 

Buried Anno Dom. 1631. 

Sarah Lon^e buried the 12th December 

Zachariah Symmes Minister 

I certify that the above is a true copy extracted from the 
Burial Register belonging to the parish of Dunstable in the 
County of Bedford. Solomon Piggott A. M. Rector. 

Rectory, Dunstable July 4th, 1842. 

Dear Sir, I suppose that the Revd. Zecharie Symmes was 
the Rector of Dunstable tho it is only mentioned Minister 
& as his Family of Daughters seems to have rapidly en- 



308 Gleanings for New England History. 

creased & the Living being then very small in value, as it 
is at present, he removed to America ; where I am glad to 
find from jour account he obtained a good settlement &. 
saw his Daughters married to worthy & substantial per- 
sons. — You maybe sure that Zech. Symmes removed to 
support his family, as he remained at Dunstable only 8 years, 
his handw 7 riting evincing this which thus commences, under 
Burials 1625 

Z. S. the vi th September. 

16 March (signed by Minister and churchwardens, as in 
the first instance above.) 

His signature ends 1633. The 25th March (signed as in 
second instance." 

Mr. Piggott adds : " It is evident that the plague had 
occurred in July 1625 before Mr. Zech. Symmes came, 
which was in Septr. 1625; it raged also much 1630, for 
there are recorded about 30 deaths with plague. 

Inquiry about Govr. Eaton at Stony Stratford produced 
from Revd. Wm. H. Bond this reply : " I have minutely 
examined the Register Books bellonging to the Parish of 
Stony Stratford in my possession, but the years previous to 
1619 are in so mutilated a state that very little is legible in 
them. There are no remains of Registers so far back as 
1590, so that the Baptism of the party, to whom your let- 
ter refers, cannot be met with. But I find, upon examining 
through the year 1618 traces of an entry of the Baptism of 
a child belonging to a Jerome Eaton, and also another entry 
in the year 1621 of a daughter of the same Jerome Eaton; 
so that it appears from our Register Books, that families of 
the name, to w T hich your letter refers, were living in Stony 
Stratford a few years subsequent to the supposed date of 
the Birth of Theophilus Eaton, and probably they were his 
relatives, but I do not find any traces of the family name 
after 1621. This is all the information I am able to give 
you at present." 

Revd. Dr. Taylor wrote from Dedham, 8 Septr. " I wish 
that my rep!y to your letter, now more than a month old, 
were more satisfactory to myself with regard to the inter- 
esting personages, who proceeded from our Village to be so 
honorably remembered on your side of the Atlantic. 

I have diligently examined our oldest registers commen- 



Gleanings for Neiv England History. 309 

cing in 1596, and have found the following Entry; John 
son of Edmund Sherman baptized 4 Jan. 1614. The 
Village abounds in persons of the name. Not so Rogers, I 
hardly know at present one of the name ; but one of our 
most striking monuments is that of John Rogers. It repre- 
sents him in the act of preaching, and the following inscrip- 
tion is upon it : 

Johannes Rogersius 

Hie quam 
Proedicavit expectat 
Resurrectionem. 
Oct 8vo 
Domini 1636 
^Elatis 65 
t Ministerii 42 
^ Huic Ecclesiae 31 
Obiit 
Hoc affect' sinceri symbolum pesuit 
Geo. Dunne Chirurg bonis. 

This John Rogers must, according to the above dates, have 
been born in 1571 & the Protomartyr's death happens in 
1555. There remains the interval of 16 years between 
them, which would probably bring our John Rogers, the 
grandson of the martyr, if there is truth in your tradition, to 
which I have nothing here corresponding. I wish I could 
trace the descent, but it is hopeless to attempt it. 

Among the names which met my view in searching the 
registers were the following, which I subjoin for no better 
purpose than for curiosity to speculate upon, if any of them 
are common in the new Dedham, as they are still in the 
old. 



Sherman 


Rogers 


Cooper 


Mason 


Ham 


Ellis 


Barker 


Baker 


Garrod 


Lewis 


Freeman 


Candeller 


Abbott 


Cole 


Littlebury 


Lufkin 




Sidney 


Templeman 





Upon inquiry among the people, I do not hear any tidings 
of the original Emigration." 

Uncertain genealogies made no part, of my investigations, 
but frequently cases turn up in England, that may be aided 
by inquiry in our country. Sir Thomas C. Banks, author 
of the Dormant and Extinct Baronage of England, wrote me, 
about our early settlers, " many of them were the branches 
of noble and distinguished houses in England. The Percys 
In Virginia I consider descended from the old Percys, Earls 

vol. viii. 39 



310 Gleanings for JYew England History. 

of Northumberland, &, their line traceable if duly inquired 
into. I suspect the family of Gardiner, at Gardiner's Island, 
to be the representatives of Mr. Gardiner, who married one 
of the co-heiresses of the Barony, the most ancient Barony 
of Fitz Walter, now under claim before the House of Lords 
by Sir H. Brooke Bridges, Bart. Fitz Walter was the Gene- 
ral of the Barons army which obtained the Magna Charta 
of K. John. The Willoughbys also now in the United States 
I have reason to believe are the heirs of the dormant Barony 
of Willoughby of Parham. I do not know whether any of 
the Drummonds made any permanent settlement, but the 
Earl of Perth had a large grant. His heir, the Duke, who 
was in the rebellion of 1745, did not die at sea, as mention- 
ed by most historians. He never quitted England. His 
grandson, his heir, is now living near Durham ; and an in- 
teresting case respecting the Duke, his marriage, place of 
retirement after the fatal battle of Culloden, &c. &c. is 
about to be investigated before the Lords' Committees for 
privileges. About 5 or 6 years ago I drew up, and published 
the Case." 

Less success attended my inquiries in Kent than was ex- 
pected. From the clergyman of Tenterden a reply to ques- 
tions was not obtained. A London friend, on an excursion 
to Dover for some weeks, obtained evidence, that a de- 
scendant of our Starr of whom the emigration from Kent is 
before mentioned, named Simon, " came from America " 
four generations ago, and settled at Dover. In the present 
day, one of the name, a Barrister, resides there ; and an- 
other, in the generation before the last, married a Capt. 
Tickner at Ramsgate. The same gentleman, writing in 
Novr. from London, to another member of our Society, 
gives the result of research for another of our New Eng- 
land early families : " I made many enquiries of the fam- 
ily of Cheever, a most respected and useful character, with- 
out any effect. The name of Chivers (the same name) 
occurs in Town, as Drapers and Taylors. I always had a 
notion, that many of the Fathers would be in that state of 
life here, in which their families were likely to have issued 
local tokens. See 2 Annals of Commerce, 4to. pp. 390, 
437, 560, 672. They were in that day small, of copper or 
brass, issued by tradesmen & innkeepers for their own 



Gleanings for New England History. 



311 



use and circulation (that is, between 1630 and 1700.) 
Knowing a Kentish young man, who had some coins, I ap- 
plied to him, and was most agreeably surprised to receive 
one brass coin of the family of Cheever, which I will soon 
send to our friend. On one side, obverse, is James Cheever, 
with a hand grasping an antique pair of shears ; reverse " In 
Canterbury 57," with a rose, round the edge ; in the centre 
a rose (merely ornamental) and " J. C." 57 is 1657, it 
could be no other. I have a local coin of my own family, 
the date 1655 ; and I have others of the date. Of the scar- 
city of these coins I can speak : one of my family coins is 
in the Collection of the Duke of Cleveland, and besides my 
own I know no other. The shears have no holes for the 
fingers. This Cheever was of your New England family, 
and he was a Canterbury man. He was a draper, taylor, 
or perhaps an ironmonger. In those simple times these 
trades were very respectable. (See Life of Sir H. Davy, 
chap. I.) 

I am making inquiries concerning a still more respected 
name in New England." 

Selecting from Berry's County Genealogies, in many fo- 
lios, that volume in which the Kent families are contained, 
and looking for one of our Old Colony settlers, on p. 30, 31, 
I find, 

" William Tylden paid aid for lands in Kent, at the making the Black Prince 
a knight, 20th Edward III. from whom descended 

William Tylden, of = Elizabeth, daur of James 



Wormshill, Co. Kent, 
Esq. ob. 23d Deer. 
1613, and buried there 
in the back chancel. 



Tonge of Tunstall, Co. Kent, 
gent. ob. 3d June 1625, bur. 
at Wormshill in the 
back chancel. 



The succession is given down to 



Tvlden of Millsted, 
'living in 1829. 



Richard = Jane, daur. of Dr. Auchmuty, rector 



Esq. 



of New York, & coheiress to her 
brother Lieut. Gen. Sir Samuel 
Auchmuty, K. C. B. &c. &c. 



Sir John Maxwell Tylden 
of Millsted, Co. Kent, a 
lieut. col. in the army, 
knighted 1812, as proxy 
for his maternal uncle, 
Gen. Sir Samuel Auch- 
muty, G. C. B. at the 
installation of the Knights 
©f the Bath in that year." 



William Burton 

Tylden, a major 

in the Royal 

Engineers. 



Mary Isabella, mar. 
Ralph Price, rector of 
Lyminge, Kent. 



312 Gleanings for New England History. 

The account proceeds : " The Tyldens are a very an- 
cient family in this county, and appear to have separated 
into three distinct branches. The first, and the most an- 
cient is here recorded. The second was originally of Ten- 
terden, and went into Sussex ; mention is made of this 
family in the visitation for that county. One of the Ten- 
terden family went to America, with the Pilgrims, and has 
founded a numerous family of the name in that country, but 
they spell their name with an i instead of a y. The third 
branch settled at Ifield, in Kent, and spell their name with 
an iP 

u In the beginning of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, Wil- 
liam Tylden was settled at Wormshill in this county, and, 
from several remarks and notes in very old books, it appears 
that his brother was the clergyman of Brenchley, and there 
are memorials of the Tyldens in the churchyard ; therefore 
it is presumed, that place was the original property of the 
family, and two farms in the adjoining parish of Mar den 
are now called Great and Little Tilden." The author 
might have added, as my map shows, that the parish of Til- 
den is at no great distance. The termination, den, is very 
common in names of places in Kent, as ham is in Norfolk, 
and many other counties. 

Of another Old Colony stock my friend, who is named in 
the following transcript, furnished the account : " The Gor- 
hams of New England probably emigrated from Benefield, 
near Oundle, in Northamptonshire. In Benefield Register 
of Baptisms we have the following entry, John Gorram, son 
of Ralph Gorram baptized Jan. 28, 1620-1 ; the name of 
Ralph is not found in any subsequent Register, though 
there are many entries of this family down to 1671 ; neither 
is the death of John his son recorded there. Hence it is 
certain that both Ralph and John quitted Benefield for some 
other abode. It was, probably, therefore this Ralph Gor- 
ram who had a grant of land in New Plymouth in 1637, 
and that John Gorram, who died of a fever at Swanzey,* 
while in command of a company in Philip's war, 5 Febr. 
1675-6, was his son. John had sons, James, John, Joseph, 
and Jabez, as mentioned in Farmer's Genealogical Register* 

* I. Mather's Hist. Indian Wars, 21. 



Gleanings for New England History. 313 

Appendix. The second, John, was a colonel, and died at 
Barnstaple * in 1715, where there is a monumental inscrip- 
tion to his memory. He left a son John, who was sheriff 
of Barnstaple. 

This family was descended from the De Gorrams of La 
Tanniere near Gorram, in Maine on the borders of Brittany, 
where William, son of Ralph de Gorram, built a castle in 
1128. A branch came over to England with the Con- 
queror. One of the family occurs in 1086 at Coppenhall 
near Fressingfield, Suffolk, (Domesday II. 441.) Two 
others were Abbots of St. Albans, namely Geoffrey, from 
1120-1146, and Robert, his nephew, from 1151-1166. 
The Abbots granted one of their manors, Westwyk, now 
Gorhambury, near St. Albans, and other property, to a fa- 
voured relative, whose descendants settled in Hertfordshire, 
Leicestershire and Northamptonshire. Sir Hugh de Gor- 
ram died at Churchfield near Oundle in 1325. His eldest 
son sold Churchfield in 1332, from which time the family 
declined, but continued in that vicinity, at Benerield, Glap- 
thorne, and King's Cliff, till the latter part of the 17th cen- 
tury. The only remaining branch of the Northamptonshire 
Gorhams settled at St. Neots in Huntingdonshire, about 
1676, and remained there till 1840. It is still continued in 
the Revd. George Cornelius Gorham, B. D. late Fellow of 
Queen's College, Cambridge, now of Remenham, near Hen- 
ley on Thames, who, in the Collectanea Topographica 
(Vol. V. pp. 182-199, 329-345 and Vol. VI. pp. 284-289, 
and in Vol. VII.) has given an elaborate account of the An- 
glo-Norman family of his name, during the 12th, 13th and 
14th centuries ; and who possesses many antient Charters 
and seals of the Norman family, from 1162 to 1238, when 
it became extinct in France. The father of Ralph Gorram, 
above mentioned, who emigrated to New England, was 
James Gorram of Benefield, born cir. 1550, married 1572 
Agnes Bernington, and died 1576. Ralph was born 1575." 

Perplexity about our Sir Richard Saltonstall, called by 
Hutchinson (who is not often either so indistinct or erro- 
neous) " son or grandson of Sir Richard Saltonstall, Lord 
Mayor of London," was relieved by finding in Thoresby's 

* My friend uses the English form of this name. 



314 Gleanings for New England History. 

History of Leeds, Ed. 2, by T. D. Whitaker, LL. D. &c. 
Vol. II. 236 : " Gilbert Saltonstall of Halifax had son, by 
his first wife, Samuel, who was father of Sir Richard Salton- 
stall,* knight, who married Grace, d. of Robert Kaye, Esq. 
and by her had son Richard, born at Woodsome 1610, obiit 
1694, married Mariel d. of Brampton Gurdon, of Assington 
in Suffolk, Esq." 

A lineal descendant of the Harlackendens, Charles K. Pro- 
bert, Esquire, of Newport, near Bishop Stortford, having ob- 
tained my letter to Rev'd. Robert Watkinson, vicar of Earls 
Colne in Essex, to whom I had written for any information 
of the family above what Morant's Essex could afford, 
kindly undertook the task of reply. Besides favouring me 
with a pedigree purporting to begin in 1081, accompanied 
with an inscription of that date on the tomb of William Har- 
lakenden, Esquire, of Woodchurch in the County of Kent, 
and illustrated with a " Nota q'd iste Willmus Harlakenden 
vocatus fuit de antiqua familia Harlakendeni in Woodchurch 
que cognoscitur tarn per nomen Burgi alias The Boroughe of 
Harlakenden quam per nomen Speluncae alias the Denne of 
Harlakenden," (which pedigree, embracing but twelve gen- 
erations before its verification " under the hand of William 
Segar Garter King of Arms," may reasonably be thought 
to have lost a couple of hundred years,) he sent me the 
Arms of the Harlakendens of Earls Colne, handsomely 
tricked off, " the same as those borne by Richard and Roger 
and all the Essex branch of the family. 5 ' It bears date 
1635. Quarterly, Harlakenden, Willes, Londenoys and 
Oxenbridge. 1st quarter. Azure, a fess ermine between 
three lions heads erased Or. langued Gules. By the name 
of Harlakenden. 2d. quarter. Argent a bordure Gules, 
within it three chevronels of the second. By the name of 
Willes. 3d. quarter, Or. three cross croslets fitchy Gules. By 
the name of Londenoys. 4th. quarter. Gules within a bor- 
dure Vert. 11 scullop shells Argent, a lion rampant Ar- 
gent, langued Azure. By the name of Oxenbridge. 

Roger Harlakenden, apparently the first of the family in 
Essex, born Aug. 1541, died 21 Jan. 1602, married Eliza- 

* " Sir Richard, Lord Mayor of London, 1597, was son of Gilbert by third wife." 
So, it appears, our patentee was his nephew. 



Gleanings for New England History. 315 

beth, fil. Thomae Hardres et relicta Georgii Harlakenden 
de Woodchurch, Arm. and had issue Richard, his second 
son, born 22 July 1563, died 22 Aug. 1631, married Mar- 
garet Hubbert, d. of Edwd. Hubbert, Esq. of Stansted. 
Mountfitchet, Essex. His eldest son, Richard, born 21 
Deer. 1600, died 4 Septr. 1677 married Alice, d. of Henry 
Mild may of Graces, Essex, about May 1630. His second 
son, Roger, born 1 Oct. 1611 at Earls Colne, married Eliza- 
beth, d. of Godfrey Bosseville of Gunthwayte, County of 
Yorke, Arm. 4 June 1635, came to New England the 
next month. His seventh daughter, Mabell, born 27 Septr. 
1614 at Earls Colne, accompanied her brother, and is said 
in this genealogy to have married John Haynes. Our Gov- 
erner Hayres, who we know had large estate in Essex, was 
come over the year before Harlakenden. 

Morant informs us, that Roger Harlackenden, Esquire, 
purchased from the Earl of Oxford, 2 Sept. 1583, for the 
sum of £2000 the manor and park of Earls Colne, with 
the appurtenances, and 5 messuages, 5 tofts, 5 gardens, 5 
orchards, 1000 acres of arable, 200 of meadow, 600 of pas- 
ture, and 45s. rent. Henry, Earl of Oxford, the son, granted 
a release, 2 March 1622, to Richard and Thomas, sons of 
said Roger Harlackenden. See Vol. II. 21 1. He says, the 
family of Harlackenden was very ancient in Kent. 

This Henry Mild may, who was third son of Sir Thomas 
and his wife Alice, and so cousin of our first Govr. Winthrop, 
took for his second wife, says Morant If. 24. 25, Amia, d. of 
Brampton Gurdon abovenamed. William Mild may, of Har- 
vard College, 1647, was son of this gentleman, I think, 
rather than of Sir Henry, as Mather says. The regicide 
was of Mulsho, in the same County ; but there were several 
families of the name. 

From Lysons, Magna Britannia I. 137, of the parish of 
Stretley, I extract : " The family of Wingate had a seat at 
Sharpenhoe, a hamlet of this parish, for several generations ; 
and here it was that Edward Wingate, the arithmetician, is 
said to have been born. — At this hamlet is a charity school 
for eight children, founded in 1686 by Richard Norton, and 
endowed with a rent charge of <£10 per annum." My 
inquiry, about this family of Norton, from the clergyman of 
Luton, the nearest town to Stretley, because this parish was 



316 Gleanings for New England History. 

vacant, produced no information. Of our John Norton 
Mather gives the birthplace Starford in the County of 
Herts, but as no such place can be found, the English au- 
thority of Brook in Lives of the Puritans III. 419 which 
makes it Storford in that County might be followed, did 
not the family tradition point to Sharpenhoe above men- 
tioned. 

It may be thought that of Revd. John Wilson, the first 
minister of Boston, every desirable point of knowledge is 
commonly possessed. Of his father, the Revd. William, 
Prebendary of Windsor, where our John was born, much is 
told in Ashmole's (Elias) Antiquities of Berkshire III. 157. 

Sir Henry Chauncy published in 1700 the History of 
Hertfordshire, reprinted at Bishop Stortford, 1826 ; but 
though our Charles Chauncy, Vicar of Ware 1627-34, is 
mentioned in his place, no account of his origin, which was 
at Yardley in this same County, is given, though the author 
fondly recounts his own genealogy from the conquest. 

Northampton furnishes a more abundant relation to our 
country than many of the inland counties. Brown, the 
founder of a short-lived opprobrious name of a sect, had a living 
in 1592, at Achurch, near Oundle, and a fair account of him 
is found in Bridges' History, 2 Vol. folio, ed. Oxford 1791 
by Revd. Peter Whalley, II. 366. Baker, in his History 
and Antiquities of the County, which I regret to say will be 
left incomplete, besides his pedigree of the Washington 
family, supplies a candid account of Oxenbridge to take off 
the venom of honest Antony Wood. From him I take an 
inscription in the church of Dodford, because our Dr. Frank- 
lin's origin is from the immediate neighborhood. In I. 362 
he gives it : 

Elizabeth Francklyn 

wife of Lemuel Francklyn vicar 

of Little Hoton who died 

Novr. the 30th. 

16S5. 

■ 

Examination of a Register of the diocese of Sarum, from 
early in the 13th century, printed by Sir Thomas Philips, a 
distinguished Antiquary, but never published, helped me to 
one or two of our New England divines from Wiltshire: Wiliel- 
mus Noyes p. m. at the church of Choldrington 1602, and 



Gleanings for New England History. 317 

Nathan Noyes p. r. Wm Noyes at the church of West Chald- 
rington 1621. I conjecture the meaning of p. m. here to be, by 
removal ; and p. r. pro rectore. Petrus Thatcher p. r. Hu- 
gonis Williams at the church of St. Edmund, Sarum, by the 
Bishop in 1622. Also Thomas Hotchkiss p. m. Johannis 
Woodbridge, inducted at the church of Stanton juxta High- 
worth 1637. Chaldrington, Choldrington, or Choulderton 
is near Great Amesbury. 

The baptismal name of Saxton, minister of Scituate, 
which Mather failed to give, who returned home and was 
settled at Leeds, is in Thoresby's Vicaria Leodicensis found 
to be Peter. 

At the Library in Red Cross street, London, usually 
called Dr. Williams's, sometimes the Dissenters' Library, 
were found some MSS. of collections about church affairs, 
apparently compiled 150 years since, containing many bio- 
graphical notices ; but in three immense folios all that seemed 
worth extracting follows : 

"Mr. Thomas Allen, a Nonconformable Minister, son of 
John Allen a Dyer in the city of Norwich of a competent 
estate was born and baptized in that city in 1608. He was 
educated in Caius College in Cambridge where he took the 
degree of M. A. He was afterwards Minister of St. Ed- 
munds in the said city of Norwich and was silenced by 
Bishop Wren about the year 1636 (together with Mr. 
Bridges and others) for refusing to read the book of sports 
and conform to other things, or to conform to other innova- 
tions then imposed. He fled into New England in the year 
1638 and continued there till about the year 1651, and then 
returned to Norwich w T here he w r as chosen Minister and so 
continued till the 24th of August 1662 about eleven years. 
Then he was ejected for Nonconformity, as near 2000 more 
were, and thenceforward, preached upon all occasions he 
could get, to a Congregational Church there till his death. 

He married 1 Anne the daughter of Mr. Sadler of Patcham 
in Sussex by his wife, the daughter of Shelley, by whom he 
had a son named Thomas. 2 He married the widow of 
Major Sedgwick, but by her he had no issue. 

He writ a book, entitled " A Chain of Scripture Chronol- 
ogy, from the creation of the world till the death of Jesus 
Christ in 7 periods." London pr. 1659. There is before 

vol. vim. 40 



318 Gleanings for New England History. 

it a Preface " To the judicious reader," written by William 
Greenhill, the 9th of the 6th mo (June) 1658. He was 
a very religious, able and practical preacher. This Mr. 
Thomas Allen died at Norwich in September 1673 in the 
65 year of his age and was buried there. 

Mr. Thomas Allen, the son of this Mr. Thomas Allen the 
Nonconformable Minister by Anne his first wife was edu- 
cated first at school where he made very good progress and 
afterwards admitted of Lincoln's Inn. He is a very accom- 
plished and ingenious gentleman but much depressed with 
melancholy, which renders him in a manner useless. He 
was living in Norwich in 1692. 

I first borrowed and then bought that excellent large 
Book in folio of manuscripts and a great number of loose 
sheets in the year 1690. They were left him by his father, 
who was a very understanding person, and were formerly, 
as I have been credibly informed, Sir John Highams of 
Suffolk, a most religious gentleman and an eminent patron 
of the Puritans, and Patriot of his Country and a curious 
collector of choice manuscripts. 

Robert Allen, brother to the said Thomas Allen the Non- 
conformable Minister was sheriff of Norwich in 1648, and 
was put out from being Alderman in 1660 upon the Resto- 
ration of King Charles II. The Alderman was living in 1692." 

" Johannes Elliot junr. Coll. Jes. admissus in matriculam Academise Cant. 
Jul. 5 an. 1621. — Regr. Acad. 

Tho. Eliot Coll. Jes. Art. Bac. an. 1623. Art. Mr. Coll. Jes. an. 1627. 

Joh. Eliot non occurrit Art. Bac. vel Art. M. 

An. 1622 May 15 Joh. Eliot has his grace (viz. in College) to commence 
B. A. spondente mro. Beale. (noted by Dr. Worthington from ye books.) 

Johannes Eliot (sen.) Coll. Jes. conv. 2. admissus in matriculam Acad. Cant. 
Mar. 20, 1618 (Regi. Acad.) non occurrit A. B. vel Art. Mr. 

But I must not be expected to derive knowledge from 
such disconnected, or discordant entries. 

Much higher satisfaction may by some readers be felt on 
receiving my transcripts of the State Paper Office. 



Gatherings at her Majesty's State Paper Office, transcribed 
9 Sept. 1842. From Vol. XI of Papers relating to Trade 
and Plantations foL 69. 

"Right honorable, 

After the performance of our most humble duties, may 



Gleanings for New England History. 



319 



it please your good lordships to receive hereinclosed a list 
of the names of such passengers as took shipping at this 
port for New England, and that only in April last, in the 
good ship called the James of London, whereof William 
Cooper went master. And this in due obedience and ob- 
servance of your honours letter dated the last of December 
past. Thus we humbly take leave. Southampton the 
Xllth day of June 1635. Your lordships most humble 



servants. 



Tho. Walfris ColPr. 

N. Dingley Compfr. 

Joh. Knapp Search'r" 



Labelled " New England 
12 June 1635." 
" Passengers for New England." 

Addressed " To the right honr'ble the lords of his Majes- 
ty's most honorable privie counsell, this at Whitehall, 

London." 



" Southampton. A list of the names of such passengers 
as shipt themselves at the town of Hampton in the James 
of London of III C tonnes, William Cooper master versus 
New r England in and about the VI of April 1635. 



Augustine Clement, sometime of 
Steadinge paynter &c. 

Thomas Whealer his servant 

Thomas Browne of Malford weaver 

Hercules Woodman of the same mer- 
cer 

John & Stephen "] 

Evered alias Webb 

Gyles Butler 

George Coussens 

Thomas Colman 

Thomas Goddard 

John Pithouse 

Anthoney Morse 

Willm. Morse 

John Hide tayler 

John Parker carpenter | late of 

Richard Walker shoemaker }■ Marl- 

Maurice Ingles fuller | borough 

Thomas Davyes sawyer J 

Thomas Carpenter of Amsbury car- 
penter 



of Marlborough 
laborers or 
husbandmen 

of Marlborough 
shoemakers 



Thomas Scoales of Sarum laborer 
John Pike ) of Langford labor- 

John Musselwhite \ ers 
Sampson Salterof Caversham fisherman 
Henry Kinge of Brentsley laborer 
William Andrewes of Hampsworth 
carpenter 

Thomas Smithe of the same weaver 
Nicholos Holte thereof tanner 
Robert Feild of Yealing laborer 
Anthoney Thetcher of Sarum tayler &c. 
Peter Higden his servant 

youthes of Hampton 

of about 17 yeares 

old 



James Browne ) 
Laurence Seager ) 

Henry Leverage 
William Parsons 
John Emery 
Anthoney Emery 



of Sarum taylers &c. 

of Romsey carpen- 
ters 



Willm Kemp servant 



320 Gleanings for New England History. 

Willra. Paddey skinner ) late of Lon- 
Edraund Hawes cutler j don 



Edmund Batter raaulster 
John Smale his servant 
Michael Shafflin tayler 
Josuah Verrin roper 
Thomas Antram weaver & 



late of 
\ New 
Sarum 



Thomas Browne his servant 
George Smythe tayler 
Phillip Varren roper 
John Greene surgeon J 

Zacheus Courtis of Downton laborer 
Henry Rose of Platford laborer 
Nicholas Batt of the Devizes linnen 
weaver 

The total number of these men, youthes and boyes are 
LIU persons. Besides the wives and children of divers of 
the. N. Dingley Comptr. 

Joh. Knapp SearcWr. 

Tho. Wulfris ColVr. ibidem. 



Hereunder follows, from the preceding volume, being X. 
of same collection fol. 22. 

"Bristoll last of August 1632. 

Worthye Sir, — Althought I am not knowne unto you, 
yet I cannot but sertifie you of the carrage of an unworthy 
person, on Sir Cristofor Gardner which is lately arrived here 
in Bristoll out of New England. He is a man I suppose 
you have herd of, for I am informed he hath in London two 
wives ; about two years and some odd months he went from 
them both with a harlot into New England, where he re- 
mayned some spasse of tyme, before they had intelligence 
what he was. But in the ende on Isake Allerton cominge 
over, which testified to the Governor and Assistants that he 
had spake with on or both of his wives, this Gardner, under- 
standing soe much, fearing he should be called in question, 
fled, thinking to have gon to the Duch plantation, and soe 
to have freed himselfe from them, but they speedely making 
after him, by the helpe of the natives of the country appre- 
hended him and brought him backe, and he remayned with 
them some spasse of tyme. And then on Purchess, a man 
who liveth in the estern part of New England, comminge 



Gleanings for New England History, 321 

to the Massatusets, there did he marrye with this Gardner's 
wench, and take her awaje and this Gardner both with him ; 
which was done about 12 months since, where this Gard- 
ner Yemayned ever since, till the 15th of August last he 
apeared here in Bristoll, where he doth most scandeslye and 
baselye abuse that worthye Governor Master Winthrop with 
the Assistants and enhabitants who lyve under him, report- 
ing that they are noe lesse then traytors and rebels against 
his Majestye, with divers others most scandols and aprobious 
speches, which on mye owne knolage is most falce, and sayth 
furthermore, that he was droven to swime for his lyfe, because 
he stoode for the king's cause. But the truth is, it was dout- 
inge that they would have hanged him for his abigumie. 

I could desire, that you would youse some menes to stope 
this fellos mouth. Yf I weare sertayne that his 2 wives ar 
yet alyve, 1 should be willinge to do mye best that the lawe 
might be exicuted upon him. Where they lyve, I knowe not, 
but in London I hear they ar. 1 would desire you, that you 
would enquire, whether they ar, and whether they ar yet 
alyve, and let me understand your minde in it. In the meane 
whylle I shall doe my best to take offe his falce aspersions 
which I hope I shall doe amonge honest men, and for others 
it matters not. Master Wintrop did tell me, he had write 
to you and to Master Umfris conserning me. I determine 
to come and may bee to bee with you. There was an oulde 
acquayntance of mine, which was with me of late, on Lance, 
a marchant taylor now living In Gloster, which since my first 
acquayntance with him hath ben in some parts of the West 
Indes or the Careebo Ilandes, and as he pretendes to me 
hath goten expectance of a sertayne stabell commoditye 
which will bee verye benificiallye for New England, where 
he desires to goe and to plant it there. I hope he is an hon- 
est man, which makes me to give some credit to him. I 
wished him to talke with Master Humfris and yourselfe 
about it, & yf you can finde any probibillitye, which I dout 
not but you will, In discoursinge with him, you maye doe 
well to fur dor him the Best you maye, for I assure you sta- 
bell commodityes is the thinge they want there. I shall not 
need, I dout, declare the happy prosedinge and welfare of 
New England, but I dout not but you have hard it from 
others. But this I maye saye, the Lord hath ben verye gra- 



322 Gleanings for New England History. 

sious unto them, and it is a wonder to me to see what maters 
theje have done In soe smalle a tyme. Thusse desiringe 
the Lords blessinge to bee upon vou and all thosse that un- 
faynedly desire his glorye I humbellje take my leve and rest. 
Yours to comand &, all love, 

Thomas Wiggin." 
Addressed 

" To his worthje frend 
Master Downinge att his howse 
In flete Strete nere 
fleete Cundet 

dde 
London." 



Fol. 34 of same vol. 

"Right hono ble 

Havinge lately bin in New England in America, and 
taken notice both of some comodities and advantages to this 
State wch that contrie will afford, and there havinge visited 
the plantations of the English and amongst the rest that es- 
pecially in the Mattachusetts (being the largest best and 
most prospering in all that land) I have made bold to inform 
yo'r hono'r of some observations wch I have taken both of the 
contrie and that Plantation. 

As for the contrie it is well stored with goodly Timber and 
Masts for shippinge, and will afford Cordage, Pitch and Tarr, 
and as good hempe and fflax as in any pte of the world, growes 
there naturally fitt for cordage and sayles, whereof this king- 
dome will soone finde the benefitt, if the plantation proceed 
awhile without discouragemt. as hitherto it hath done. 

For the plantation in the Mattachusetts, the English there 
being about 2000 people, yonge and old, are generally most 
industrious and fitt for such a worke, having in three yeares 
done more in buyldinge and plantinge then others have done 
in seaven tymes that space, and with at least ten tymes 
lesse expence. 

Besides I have observed the planters there, and by theire 
loving just and kind dealinge with the Indians, have gotten 
theire love and respect and drawne them to an outward con- 



Gleanings for New England History. 323 

formity to the English, soe that the Indians repaire to the 
English Governor there and his deputies for justice. 

And for the Governor himselfe, I have observed him to 
bee a discreete and sober man, givinge good example to all 
the planters, wearinge plaine apparell, such as may well be- 
seeme a meane man, drinkinge ordinarily water, and when 
he is not conversant about matters of justice, putting his 
hand to any ordinarye labour with his servants, ruling wth 
much mildness, and in this particular I observed him to be 
strict in execution of Justice upon such as have scandalized 
this state, either in civill or ecclesiasticall government, to the 
greate contentmt of those that are best affected, and to the 
terror of offendors. 

Of all wch. I myselfe havinge bin -an eye witnesse am the 
rather induced to present the same to yo'r hono'r to cleare 
the reputation of the plantation from certain false rumors 
and scandales, wch. I perceive since my retorne to England 
some persons, ill affected to the plantations there, have cast 
abroad, as namely one Sir Christopher Gardiner, whoe leav- 
inge two wives here in England, went with an other yonge 
woman into New England, there, being discovered by let- 
ters from England, he w^as seperated from his wench. A 
second is one More ton whoe (as I am Informed by his wife's 
sonne and others) upon a foule suspition of Murther fled 
hence to New England, and there falling out with some of 
the Indians, he shott them with a fowling peice, for wch 
and other misdemeanors, upon the Indians complaint, his 
howse by order of Court there, was destroyed and he 
banished the plantation. A third was one Ratcliffe whoe as 
I am crediblie informed, for most horible blasphemy was con- 
demned there to lose his eares, whoe with the former two, 
and some other the like discontented and scandalous per- 
sons, are lately retorned hither, seekinge to cover the shame 
of theire owne facts, by castinge reproaches upon the planta- 
tion, doe addresse themselves to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
whoe by theire false informations is nowe projectinge howe 
to deprive that plantation of the priviledges graunted by his 
Ma'tie and to subvert theire government, the effects whereof 
will be the utter ruine of this hopefull plantation, by hin- 
deringe all such as would goe to them, and drivinge those 
alredy planted there either to retorne, or disperse into other 



324 Gleanings for New England History, 

places, wch I leave to jour grave judgm't myselfe being 
none of theire plantation, but a neighbour by, have done this 
out of that respect I here to the generall good. I have bin 
too breife in this relation in regard I feared to be over tro- 
blesome to yo'r hono'r. Soe I take leave and rest 
The XlXth daye of Yo'r honors humble servant 

November 1632. Tho. Wiggin." 

[This letter is evidently written in a hand different from 
that of the signer, but his signature varies materially from 
that of the prior letter, addressed to Downing, which is of 
the same with the body of that letter. Was one letter 
written by the father, and the other by the son ? If so, this 
letter is from the son, and it is addressed] 

" To the right hono'ble S'r John 
Cooke knt. principall Secretary 
to his Ma'tie and one of his 
highnes most hono'ble privie 
councell. These dr." 



[10 Septr. 1842] fol. 41 of same vol. 

" Right ho ble - 

Being last night at the Exchandge, I enquired what ship 
carpenters Mr. Winthrop the Governor had with him in 
New England. Where I was enformed by Mr. Aldersy, 
the lord keepers brother in law and Mr. Cradock, that the 
Governor hath with him one William Stephens a shipwright, 
soe able a man, as they beleive there is hardly such an other 
to be found in this kingdome, there be 2 or 3 others, but for 
want of theire names, I could not be satisfied of them, this 
Stephens hath built here manie ships of great burthen, he 
made the Royal Merchant, a ship of 600 tonns. this man 
as they enformed me had more reguard to his substantial! 
performance, then the wages he was to receive, and soe 
grew to poverty, whereupon he was preparing to goe for 
Spayne, where he knew he should have wages answearable 
to his paynes, had not some friends perswaded him to N. 
England, where now he lives with great content ; had the 



Gleanings for Neiv England History. 325 

State of Spayne obteyned him, he should have be'n as a 
pretious Jewell to them ; I was further enformed that the 
plantation having warning this yeare, to accommodate them- 
selves accordinglie, will be able next yeare to build a shipp 
of any burthen ; I have here inclosed sent yo'r hono'r the 
copie of the lords order, I pray God assist yo'r hono'r for the 
defence and mayntenance of this ho'ble work, and that those 
lewd and scandolous persons may receive their condigne 
punishem't, and the plantation proceed with incouradgemt. 
as yt doth observe, soe humbly craving pardon for this bold- 
nes, dayly praying for yo'r honors health and happines to 
Gods glorie and the good of his church I rest 

yo'r honors humble servant 
3° Ja. 1632 Em. Downinge." 

Addressed " To the right hono'ble Sr. John 
Coke knt. principall Secretary 
to his Matte and one of his 
highnes most hono'ble privie 
councell. these dr. 

at Court." 



From Vol. I. of Papers called "New England Papers," fob 

145, 146. 
" Most Honored Sir, 

I receaved yours of the 14th of february last heer in 
Boston, by the hands of Cap. Baker the 28th of May, since 
which tyme I have had noe safe oportunitie to returne any 
answer. Sir In obedience to his Ma'ties comands I went, 
imediately to the Governor to whome I shewed your letter 
and after a serious consultation with himselfe & some of 
others of aproved integrity and fidelity to his Ma'tie it was 
resolved to send some persons presently in persuance of 
Whaly &, Goff, whoe were newly fled out of this jurisdic- 
tion, before your letters came, by reason the Governor had 
made a strict search for them, upon sight of a proclamation 
that came by way of Barbados hether wherein they were 
proclaymed Traytors ; whereupon two persons were select- 
ed Mr. Tho. Kellond a marchant, &, Mr Kirke cap. of a ship, 
who went hence the same day by post. The progresse 

VOL. VIII. 41 



326 Gleanings for New England History, 

they made in this busin.es together with the Governors orders 
I have sent heer inclosed under the Secretarys hand, as also 
a copy of a letter & apollogy from one Mr. Davenport a 
minister, to me altogether unknowne. 

Honored Sir, Haveing seriously considered of some ex- 
pressions in your letter of his Ma'ties gratious acceptance of 
my former obedience and fidelity, as alsoe something of a 
more then ordinary earnestnes (as I conceaved) in his Ma'ties 
desyre of those Coll. aprehensions, and their safe conveying 
to London, I thought it my duty and humbly intreat it may 
not be imputed to presumption, that I heer beg leave to in- 
forme your honor of some thing in reference thereunto, leave- 
ing the whole to your more exact and better judgment. 

First, Sir, I conceave, and am of opinion, that these Coll. 
Whaly &, GofT are still in this country and are concealed in 
some of the Southerne parts untill they may finde a better 
opertunity to make their escape ; and for my ground of this 
beliefe, I have bin soe informed about two days since by 
one Mr. Pinchin and Cap. Lord two of the most considera- 
ble persons that live in those parts, with whome I have 
joyned myselfe in a secrett designe, only knowne to us three, 
resolving to use my uttmost indeavor to aprehend & se- 
cure their persons and have great hopes to effect it, if they 
are in these parts ; and have allreddy given these gentlemen 
all the incouragement I could by assuring them how accept- 
able a service it will be to his Ma'tie and beneficiall to them- 
selves, to whome I have alsoe comunicated your letter to me. 

I shall not presume, most honored Sir, to give you any 
further trouble in this, but only to intreat you to lett his 
Ma'tie know that in all humble duty and reverence I cast 
myselfe at his most sacred feet, humbly acknowledging his 
great favor in those expressions of his gratious acceptance 
of my fidelity and obedience, intimated in your letter, for 
whose service I shall willingly hazard both life and fortune 
whenever he shall thinke me worthy that honor, and as to 
this particular concerning Whaly &, GofT, as I have hetherto 
used all the dilligence & industry I am capable off, soe I 
shall still continue the same untill his Ma'ties comands are 
effected. And for your owne particular, Noble Sir, i have 
presumed to beseech this farther favor from you, that you 
would be pleased to cast your ey upon this enclosed paper 



Gleanings for New England History. 327 

to yourselfe, when your leasure may permitt, it relates only 
to my ovvne affayres, which I durst not mingle with any 
thing concerns his Ma'tie. Soe most humbly and fervently 
recomending you to the safe protection of the Almighty, I 
remayne 

Most honored Sir, 
Your most humble and most obedient servant 
T. Temple." 
Boston in N. E. the 20th 
of August 1661. 

Labelled " Boston 20 August, 1661 
" From Coll. Temple to 
Mr. Sec'y. Morice 
about Goffe &. Whalley." 



Fol. 147 of same vol. 
" Noble Sir, 

Whom though unknowne to me by Face, as allso I 
am to yourselfe, I Honnour for your noble disposition & for 
your neare Relation, to my, Ever Honoured, Lord, Viscount, 
Say And Sele, unto whom I have bene continually neare 40 
yeares Past, Exceedingly obliged for Sundry Testimoneyes 
of his Speciall Favors towardes me when I lived in London, 
& when I was in Holland, & after my Returne thence to 
London, And since my abode in this Wildernesse, which 
hath bine above 24 yeares. If the most high hath taken 
him From us, by Death, as I am Informed he hath, The 
King hath lost the Best of his Peeres &, Counsaleirs for 
Godley Wisdome & Faithfulnesse, The Church and People 
of god an Assured Pattron, The Commons and Parliament a 
most Emminent Patriott, the Nobility a Singular Pattiren 
and ornament, And my Poore Worthlesse Selfe a most 
Honorable & Faithfull frend, And that in a time when I 
have most need of his helpe, which I am assured Would 
not have Failed my Confident Expectation, if any Complaint 
against me had bene Presented to his Honor with the rest 
of his Maj'ties most Hono'ble Councell. Multis ille Bonis 
Flebilis occiditt, Nulli Flebilior quam mihi. Yet as long as 
his right honorable Son, my lord Fines liveth, he cannot Die, 



328 Gleanings for JYew England History. 

For in him &, I hope in his Posterity that Noble Familey 
will be like that Golden tree the Boughes and Branches 
whereof Flourished in a Continuall Succession. 

Uno Avulso non defficit alter 
Aureus Et Simili Frondescens Yirga Mettallo. 

Sir, being Encouraged by some Expressions of your good 
affection toward mee, Brought to my Knowledge by one 
who came lateley, from Boston, neither, I take the Boldnesse 
to desier this Favor, that you would be pleased to cast your 
eyes uppon the Enclosed Appoligie, which I formerly Trans- 
mitted to the Deputy Govenor of Massachusets to be by 
him Communicated to the General Courte. In it you will 
Find myne Innocyency in Referance to the 2 Collonells to 
be shuch as might secure me From all feare of Danger &> 
Futher molestation from his Ma'tie in that Respecte, yet be- 
cause I am sensible of of Possible misrepresentations of mine 
actions, &, Intentions, I humbly Crave leave to Intreate you 
to lay up in the Repositorie of your minde, your memorie, 
The true State of my Case that you may Speake a good an 
Seasonable word of truth in the Cause of the Dumbe &l 
deafe, when God shall have Brought you in Safety to Lon- 
don, as occasion may be offired in the King's Courte, would 
my age which is past the great Climactericall yeare, & the 
weakness of my Boddy, which is under sensible decaies as 
well Shute with so long a Voyage as my minde is Propense to 
it, I should not Fear to answer anything that can be Suggested 
or objected against mee, in his Ma'tie presence, being Con- 
fident in the King's Justice and aequnimitie, that uppon a 
faire hearing I should be acquitted, & some in Boston w T ho 
raile against mee, should have their Injurious mouthes Stop- 
ped, what Libbirty is denyed unto me, if God Inclyne &, 
Encourage your hearte theirunto, a word From your noble 
selfe Spoken in Season may be blessed of god to make up, 
with advantage, & to worke Favorable & Right apprehen- 
sions aud perswations of mee in his Ma'tie &, shuch of his 
most Hono'ble Councells as you maye have occasion of Dis- 
course with aboute these matters. 

This is my great Intendment in this lines, humbly to 
Crave your mindfulnesse of me & helpefulness Toward mee 
in this Exigent, And not for myselfe alone doe I make this 
humble Request, But also on the Behalfe of this Poore Col- 



Gleanings for Neiv England History. 329 

loney & of our Govenor & majestrates, who wanted neither 
will nor Industery to have served his Ma'tie in apprehending 
ye 2 Collonells, but were Prevented & Hindered by gods 
overruling Providence, which withheld thern that they 
Could not Exciqute their true Purpose therein ; And the 
same Providence Could have done ye same, in the Same 
Curcumstances, if they had bine in London, or in the Tower, 
The Case was thus, The Collones hearing that some who 
had Entertained them, at their Houses, were in Extreme 
danger, uppon that Accompt to Prevent the same, Came 
from another Colloney where they were, &, had bine somtime, 
to N. H : Professing, that their true Intentions, in their 
Coming at that time was to yeld themselves to be appre- 
hended, for the afforesaid Purpose & accordingly they staied 
2 dayes, This was knowne in the Towne, The D. G. 
waited for the Comming of the Govenor & other majestrats 
to this towne on the 2d. day, which they allso did according 
to Former Aggrement, I mediately uppon their Coming to- 
gether, they fell into a Consultation, being out of any Feare 
of that which Followed, Before they had Issued their Con- 
sultation which was not long, the Collonels were gon away, 
no man knowing how nor whether, Thereuppon a Diligent 
Search was Renewed, &, many were sent Forth on Foote & 
horsebacke, to recover them in to their hands, But all in 
vaine. I belive if his Ma'tie Rightly understood the Cur- 
cumstances of this Event he would not be displeased with 
our majestrates, but to accquiesce in the Providence of the 
most high well Knowing that the way of man is not in him- 
selfe, but god worketh all things according to the Counsaile 
of his owne will, It is now high time that I begge pardon 
for putting so much trouble uppon you, &, that I Conclude 
with my Prayers to him, whom windes &, seas obey to Fill 
your sailes with Favorable windes &, to Carrie your Person 
as uppon Eagles winges Far above the reach of all hurtfull 
Dangers, till he shall have landed you safe at your desiered 
Port, & then to make you a Blessed Instrument of some 
good unto this Poore Colloney &, to myselfe, For which I 
shall Remaine 

Noble Sir, your Humble Servt. & obliged 

Faithfull Frend John Davenport. 

N. H y'e 19th day of ye 6 mounth 
Called Augst. 1661. 



330 Gleanings for New England History. 

Sir, 

If my lord Save be yet in vivis, be pleased to Com- 
municate ye inclosed to him, with ye reason of my not writ- 
ing to his honor at Present, & my Earnest desier of his 
Favorable helpe, that ye King may be rightly informed 
Concerning me in this matter ; if you shall find he is not in 
ye land of ye living my humble request is the same to my 
lord Fines. But if his honor have not Sufficient Interest 
in those about his ma'tie for shuch a purpose, my Intreaty 
to yourselfe is ye same aforementioned. Allso if the Deputy 
Govenor Mr. Bellingham hath not Rec'd. yt. Letter & ye 
Appologie to ye General Courte wch I sent above 5 weekes 
since be pleased to let him peruse this & gett a Coppie of 
it (I meane ye appoligie) transcribed & Retturne yours 
againe to your Noble Selfe, to be Improved as you find 
opertunity to ye best advantage on my behalfe, lastley lett 
it please you to accept a booke newly come forth wch I 
make bold to Present unto you for a vade mecum, in your 
voyage at sea, & for an helpe to Fix your Anchor aright 
when you come to land & for ever, ye lord Jesus be with 
you both at sea & land & to Etternity as a mighty Saviour 

Amen Farewell, interim." 



[12 Sept. 1842.] From Vol. II. of New England Papers, 

fol. 56. 

" Right honourable, 

In obedience to your hon'rs comands I have sent yu 
herew'th as full and true an Answer as I am capeable to give 
unto the 27 heads of Inquyrie, I received from your hon'rs 
by our agents, this being the first opertunyty that hath pre- 
sented, since my receipt thereof, hoping of your hon'rs fa- 
vourable acceptance thereof & satisfaccon thereby. And I 
do most humbly desire, that his ma'tie and your Lordships 
were truely and fully informed of the state and condicon of 
this his ma'ties Colony of the Massachusetts, and the tem- 
per, loyalty and good affeccon of his dutifull subjects here. 
For I understand, that there hath bene several misinforma- 
cons presented to his ma'tie and amongst others, that the 
Inhabitants here have not right to Land or Government but 



Gleanings for New England History. 33 1 

are Usurpers, that we have protected the murtherers of his 
ma'ties Royall Father in Contempt of his ma'ties proclama- 
con of the 6th of June 1660, which is manefestly untrue. 
And that we violate all the acts of trade and navigation &c. 
whereby his ma'tie is damaged in his Customes to the value 
of 100,000c£ yearly, and the kingdom much more, when as 
by the stricktest inquyry that I can make of merchants, un- 
concerned, and others there hath never bene 5000£ irregu- 
larly traded by the merchants of this place in a yeare. It 
is true now and then, a small vessell or two may slip asyde 
to France or Holland &c. which the greatest care and dili- 
gence can hardly alwayes prevent, yet the damage to his 
ma'tie is inconsiderable being only for goods imported ; for 
what they carry from hence, the full custome is payd att 
the place from whence they first bring them, being the 
groath of some other of his ma'ties plantacons, and if they 
carry them to England, which generlly is done, they pay 
the Custome againe, of which our merchants much com- 
plaine, and is a temptacon to them to carry some pt. of 
them elsewhere ; but if once discovered, it will make satis- 
faccon for many transgressions. And whatever omissions 
have bene formerly, I hope hereafter will be carefully re- 
dressed. Mr. Randolph, his ma'ties Collect'r here, hath 
bene very active, and diligent, in the discharge of his place 
& trust ever since he came hither, and hath had as much 
helpe and assistance from myselfe as I was able to afford, 
or hee in reason could desire, wch 1 doubt not, but hee will 
alwayes readyly acknowledge, yet I doe not heare that hee 
hath mett with any forfeits in this place, that hee hath 
seene cause to bring to tryall : hee hath sometyme com- 
playned to mee of some affronts and discouragemt. wch. 
hee hath mett withall in words, which would have bene 
severly anymadverted upon could the persons offending 
have bene knowne. It is true that the people here shew 
him lyttle respect, or good affeccon, because they generally 
looke att him as one that beares noe good will to the Coun- 
try, but sought the ruin of it, by being a meanes and instru- 
ment highly to incense his ma'tie and y'r honers against this 
poore place, and people, for which they are deepely sence- 
able and sorrowfull, which noe thing but the shines of his 
ma'ties gracious Countenance, and your hon'rs just fav'r and 



332 Gleanings for New England History. 

indulgence can remove and make glad ; which with pardon 
for this bouldnes and trouble is humbly implored by 
Your hon'rs humble and 

most obedient Ser'vt. 

Simojy Bradstreet." 
Boston 18 May 1680 
The Lords of his Ma'ties Pr. Councill 

Addressed 
" For the Right honourable, the Lords of 
his ma'ties most hon'able privy Council 
being a Committee for trade and For- 
reigne Plantations, 
theis humbly 
present." 

Labelled 

" From the Governor of The Massachusetts 
with Answers to Inquiries. Rec'd. the 23 June 1680." 



Fol. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 of same vol. 

An Answer of the Governor of his Majesties Colony of 
the Mattachusetts in New England to severall heads of In- 
quiry pursuant to the Order of the Right Honoble the Lords 
of his majesties privy Council, appointed a Comittee for 
trade and forreign plantations. 

1°. Wee have one Generall Court or Assembly yearly 
for the Election of the Governor, Deputy Governour and 
Assistants chosen by the Freemen of the Company, who 
being so chosen are the standing Council of this Goverment. 
Wee may also have three more General Courts consisting 
of Governor, Deputy Governor Assistants and Freemen 
who have the Legislative power for making Laws rayseing 
mony's, granting Lands Setling Townships &c a . 

2°. Wee have yearely two Courts of Assistants held by 
the Governor Deputy Governor & Assistants and may have 
as many more as the occasion of the Corporation requires. 
This is the highest ordinary Court of Judicature which we 
have, and to which belongs the issuing of Appeales from 
Inferiour Courts, and tryal by Jurys of all capital Offenders 



Gleanings for Neio England History. 333 

and maritime or Admiralty cases without a Jury according 
to the Sea Laws &c\ 

3°. Our Limits by pattent as now stated is divided into 
four parts or Countys, in every of which (for the ease of the 
people) there are held County Courts, kept by such magis- 
trates and other fit persons as are appointed by the General 
Court, who have power to heare and determin all cases in 
that County civil mixt or criminal!, not extending to life 
member or banishment, with liberty for any party greived 
to Appeale to the Court of Assistants. 

4°. Our Statutes, Laws and orders are many, contained 
in a printed Booke too many and large to transcribe, Some 
whereof are repealed and more may suddenly bee as any of 
them may be found repugnant to the Laws of England or 
otherwise inconvenient. 

5°. Wee have no standing Forces, but in our four County's 
about Forty townes in every of w T hich generally there is a 
foote Company of listed soldiers, some bigger some lesser, 
trayned six times in a yeare ; in Boston there are eight 
Company's, in Salem two, and in some other Townes there 
may bee two, where the Company's are compleate, they 
have a Capt'n. Lt. and Ensigne &c a . The lesser Company's 
commanded by inferiour Officers, in each County there is a 
Serjeant major, and over the whole a major Generall : Wee 
have also Six or Seven troopes of horse, all w r ell armed both 
horse and foote, every Soldier by Law being required to bee 
alwaies furnished and have in a readiness one pound of 
powder with bullets match &c a . proportionable, and every 
Towne to have alwaies in readiness one barrell of powder 
for fifty Soldiers, and so proportionable, as a Town Stocke, 
this besides the Country's magazine. 

6°. Wee have onely one Castle scituated upon an Island 
in the Bay about 3 or 4 miles from Boston, that commands 
the channel by which ships must pass to the Towne of a 
considerable strength furnished with about thirty guns, and 
a platforme by the water side, in the Towne and before the 
harbour, there is a Blockhouse and severall platformes or 
Battery's with guns mounted, and the like at Charlestowne 
to secure and defend the harbour. At Salem likewise there 
is a small Fort with some few guns in the Towne. The 
Castle in the Bay is kept with a small garrison in time of 

vol. vin. 42 



334 Gleanings for New England History. 

peace, but may suddenly bee strengthened by Soldiers from 
the Adjacent Town's listed and in readines for that Ser- 
vice, and competently provided with victuals and Amu- 
nition. 

7°. No privateers or pyrates frequents our Coasts : It 
may bee, once in Seven or ten yeares a prize may bee 
brought into our Harbour. About two yeares since one 
Capt. Bernard La Moyne a Frenchman brought hither a 
Dutch prize taken upon the Coast of Cuba by himselfe and 
some Englishmen, that assisted him, together with several 
wounded Dutchmen, which was a trouble and charge to us, 
one yet remaining amongst us decrepit and unfit for service. 
But the cargo was Sold or disposed of before the Ship came 
under comand, two or three more ships of the same compa- 
ny taken by him, hee or his men carryed into New York 
Road Island &c\ 

8.° The Strength of our Bordering Neighbours is not great, 
either English, French or Indians ; The greatest strength 
of the Indians now since the Warr are the Maquees living 
about two hundred miles westward of us towards Canada, 
with whome wee have ever had Friendship since wee came 
hither ; but of late are somewhat jealous of them, by reason 
of their receiving and entertaining severall of our Indian 
Enemies that fled from these parts in the time of the warr, 
&, have carried it unhandsomly since towards our Freind 
Indians who are o'r Neighbours. 

9°. Wee have little or no commerce with the French at 
Canada, they are reported to be four or five thousand men 
setled in severall plantations ; They at Nova Scotia are but 
few and weake both at Sea and Land ; wee keepe freind- 
ship with them and those at Canada, as with all other our 
Neighbours English & Indians, and of other nations here 
are none. 

10°. Our bounds as now stated by his Majesty from three 
miles Northerly of Merrimack River to our Southerly line 
where wee joine to Plimouth Line, is by Land betwixt 
Forty and Fifty miles ; but by Sea (the Land bending in- 
wards) not more than eight or ten Leagues, and so to run 
in a streight line at both ends through the maine Land from 
Sea to Sea, the contents of Acres not to bee calculated, nor 
can it be knowne how much manurable Land there is im- 



Gleanings for Neiv England History. 335 

proved or unimproved. In generall the Country is full of 
rockey hills Swamps and other unprofitable Land and use- 
less ground, not one Acre of ten or twenty in many places 
manurable or improvable for tillage or hardly for pasturage. 

11°. The principal! Townes of trade within our Gover- 
nment are Boston Charlestown and Salem, some little trade 
there is for Country people at Ipswich &, Newberry &,c a . 
the buildings in the Country are generally of timber, many 
fortified with strong pallisados a good security against the 
Indians arrows and small shot : In Boston there are some 
houses of Brick and stone of competent strength and large- 
ness sutable to the condition of the Owners : Since the last 
great fire in Boston, that consumed about two hundred 
houses besides warehouses &c a . It is endeavoured and or- 
dered that all should bee built in the places thereof with 
brick or Stone ; which yet will hardly bee attained by rea- 
son of the poverty of the Inhabitants. 

12°. There are as many precincts and divisions within 
our Goverment as there are Town's vizt. about Forty. In 
Boston there are three large Churches or meeting houses to 
wch belongs four ministers, the other Town's generally 
have one minister some two. 

13°. Our chiefe Rivers are Merrimack navigable for small 
Vessells about twenty miles and Charles River, our har- 
bours, Boston, Charlestown, Salem, Glocester, and Marble- 
head capable to receive Ships of good burthen. 

14°. Wee have few or no manufactures as yet vendible 
in Forreign parts (at least considerable) the Cloth, both 
woolen and Linnen, Shoes, hats &c. a made here are used 
and spent in the Country ; our Staple comodities are fish, 
some peltry mostly traded with, or brought in by our Neigh- 
bours, horses, provisions, Cyder, boards timber pipestaves, 
mackaril and Fish hath formerly been more beneficiall for 
trade with other his Majesties plantations in America, then 
now they are, wherewith our merchants produced Sugars 
Rhum Indigo cotton wool Tobacco &c. a which they trans- 
port usually in their own Vessels to England ; Some pipe 
staves, fish, mackarel &c. a wee send to Madera and western 
Islands, which procures wines for the use of the Country, 
and some to trade with other English plantations. 

Wee have good timber for Shipping tarr pitch and Iron 



336 Gleanings for New England History. 

made in the Country, though in noe great Quantity, hempe 
and Flax grow's well here, but labour so deare that it can 
not bee made a commodity to send to other parts ; but is 
onely improved by the Country people for their own occa- 
sions : Wee have all our Rigging for Ships generally out of 
England much cheaper then it can bee made here, the truth 
is the Country in generall is very poore, and very hard it is 
for them to cloath themselves and Familys, especially since 
the great charges and taxes have been upon them, by rea- 
son of the late Indian warr, tho for victuall they make a 
reasonable good shift being a very laborious and industrious 
people and having Lands of their own. For at our first 
comming hither and ever since Lands were allotted and 
Townships granted freely without any purchase or reser- 
vacon of Rent, otherwise it was foreseen, the people would 
have been discouraged & the Country not Subdued and 
improved as now it is. The Comodities imported hither 
from England are of all sorts generally which that Land 
affords and may amount to the value of Forty or Fifty 
thousand pounds yearely. 

15°. Some little tryal there hath been of makeing Salt- 
peter here, which there is no question but by Art may be 
done, but at so dear a rate by reason of the great wages, 
wee give for labour at present as makes it uncapable of 
being a comodity vendabie in England, but to much loss. 

16°. There may bee neer twenty English merchants 
within our Goverment bred up to that calling, and neer as 
many others that do trade and merchandize more or less ; 
but Forreign merchants of other Nations we have none. — - 
Planters and Servants wee have no certain Account of their 
number, but are in the generall intimated before ; we ac- 
count all generally from Sixteen to Sixty that are healthfull 
and strong body's both householders and Servants fit to 
beare Armes, except Negros and Slaves whom wee arme 
not. 

17°. There have been very few English come to plant in 
this Jurisdiction for Seven yeares past and more, and few 
or no Scots Irish or Forreigners in the like space, they 
rather go to Carolina or other places more comodious and 
less inhabited, for with us all the Lands neer the Sea 
Coast are appropriated and improved, and up into the 



Gleanings for New England History. 331 

Country is more difficult (especially for new comers) to 
plant and Subdue, and must be done by the Setled In- 
habitants by degrees, as divers Towns already have been. — 
There hath been no Company of blacks or Slaves brought 
into the Country since the beginning of this plantation, for 
the space of Fifty yeares, onely one small Vessell about two 
yeares since after twenty months' voyage to Madagasca 
brought hither betwixt Forty and fifty Negro's most women 
and Children Sold here for ten 15£ and 20 <£ apeice, which 
stood the merchants in neer 40£ apeice one with another : 
Now and then, two or three Negro's are brought hither from 
Barbados and other of his Majesties plantations, and sold 
here for about twenty pounds apeice, So that there may bee 
within our Goverment about one hundred or one hundred 
and twenty, and it may be as many Scots brought hither 
and sold for Servants in the time of the warr with Scotland, 
and most now married and living here, and about halfe so 
many Irish, brought hither at severall times as servants. 

18°. There a very few blacks borne here I thinke not 
above or Six at the most in a yeare, none baptized that I 
ever heard of, the number of whites born yearly I cannot 
give an exact Acco't of, but Suppose there may bee four 
or five hundred born one yeare with another, most baptized 
except the Anabaptists who will not and some others that 
do not desire it. 

19°. As for marriages there are about two or three hun- 
dred yearely it may bee somewhat more. 

20°. I thinke that ordinarily there are more born then 
dye in a year, except in the time of the Indian Warr and 
the small pox about two year's since, wherein many more 
dyed then was borne ; for the warrs consumed Seven or 
eight hundred and the small pox no less. 

21°. It's hard to give a true and certain estimate of mer- 
chants Estates, which many cannot do themselves ; but 
there are two or three in our Corporation that may bee 
worth Sixteen or eighteen thousand pounds apeice, some 
few others worth eight or ten thousand pounds apeice, a 
third sort worth four or five thousand pounds apeice, and 
some worth little or nothing ; Few planters or Country 
people have any great Estates, hee is accounted a rich man 
in the Country that is worth one thousand or Fifteen hun- 



338 Gleanings for New England History. 

dred pounds, where Land is esteemed far above the true 
worth, or proportionable to the rent that it will give, and 
it must bee a very great stock of cattle that, will amount to 
five hundred pounds, and more then ordinarily any man in 
the Country keepes, they bearing no greater price here 
then in England if so much, the wealth of our Colony is 
rather in conceit then in reality. 

22°. There about one hundred or one hundred and twen- 
ty Ships Sloopes Katches and other Vessells that trade to 
and from hence yearly of our own or English built, most of 
them belonging to this Colony ; wee have eight or ten Ships 
of one hundred ton's or upwards, three or four of two hun- 
dred ton's or more, and about forty or Fifty fishing Katches 
of betwixt twenty and Forty ton's ; Six or eight English 
Ships do usually come hither yearly belonging to the King- 
dom of England, bringing comodities of all sorts from 
thence. 

23°. The obstructions wee [meet] with in our trade is 
the generall decay of any profitable trade in the places wee 
mostly trade unto, viz 1 , to all his Majesties plantations in 
America, where vvea vend our horses, boards timber provi- 
sion, mackaril fish, &c a . for the comodities of those places 
which are spent here or transported into England, but finde 
those markets many times so overlaid and clogged with the 
like comoditys from England Ireland and other places, that 
many of our comodities are sold at cheaper rates many times 
then they were worth at home. 2'ly. The Algeir men of 
warr infesting the Seas in Europe have taken some of our 
Ships and men, which is a discouragement to our trade and 
navigation. 3 ly . The French at Nova Scotia, or Acada 
(as they call it) do interrupt our Fishers in those parts, and 
Sr. Edmond Andros Governour of New Yorke for his high- 
ness the Duke of Yorke doth the like betwixt the French 
and Pemaquid, requiring duty to be paid to them by all our 
Vessells that fish in those Seas, otherwise threatning to 
make prize of them, which hath been alwaies formerly free 
for his Majesties Subjects for Fishing ever since we came 
hither : Wee humbly pray to understand his Majesties 
pleasure herein. 4 ,y . The double custom which our mer- 
chants pay for Sugar Indigo Cotton wool Tobacco &c a . 
first at the places from whence they fetch these comodities. 



Gleanings for New England History. 339 

the greatest part whereof is transported from hence to Eng- 
land, where they pay the full custome again. 

24°. The greatest advantage and improvement of our 
trade and incouragement of this poore plantation will bee 
his Majesties gracious Favour and protection of us (and of 
your Honors under him) in the free and full injoiement of 
all our liberties and priviledges granted by his Royal Father 
of blessed memory, and confirmed by his present Majesty 
in his gracious Letter of 22 th . of June 1662 with an addi- 
tional! gratious and princely promiss to advance the benefit 
trade and welfare of this his Majesties Colony by his utmost 
indeavour. 2 ly . A free trade, if it may stand with his Ma- 
jesties pleasure (at least for some few ships for some time) 
in regard of that low condition, with this Colony is now re- 
duced unto by the late Indian warr, wherein (for the safe- 
guard of our Selves &, neighbours) wee expended above 
Forty thousand pounds, and the two great fires in Boston, 
the first whereof consumed above 70 houses the latter about 
200 dwelling houses, with many Warehouses, whereby it is 
thought the third part (at least) of the wealth of Boston 
was consumed. 

25°. Wee impose no rates or duty's upon goods exported 
they being generally the produce of the Country got with 
hard labour and sold at low prizes, or such as have paid 
large Custom's to his Majesty at the ports from whence 
they are brought hither, and but one penny per pound upon 
goods imported, when they come into the merchants hands, 
which is the taxe wee have set upon houses Lands cattle 
and other Estate of the Country yearly, which with twenty 
pence per head poll money, and a small rate upon wine 
Rhum Cyder beare &c. a amounts neer Fifteen hundred 
pounds per annum, which is all the taxe and revenue wee 
have for the support of the Goverment, Salary's to Officers, 
charges of Fortifications, garrison at the castle &c. a but in 
the time of the Indian warr, were forced to have 10 or 15 
of those rates upon all mens Estates in a year which hath 
much impoverished the Country, and yet we remain much 
in debt to this day. 

26°. Our Religion in matters of Doctrine which wee pro- 
fess, is the same with the Churches of England Scotland 
and Ireland, and other reformed Orthodox Churches in Eu- 



340 Gleanings for New England History. 

rope &c a . As to the Discipline and Goverment of the 
Church, that which is owned and practized generally by 
ministers and people as with one consent is that which is 
called the Congregationall way (except some few Anobap- 
tists generally of the meanor sort to the number according 
to my best estimation of about Eighty or one hundred, and 
neere halfe so many Quakers which hold their seperate 
meetings ; the latter wee cannot account amongst the num- 
ber of Christians, haveing denyed the Faith and the Lord 
Jesus Christ to bee the Saviour of mankinde and by their 
tenents overthrowing all the fundamentall points of Christian 
Riligion, as appeares in their printed bookes, whose princi- 
ples (as his Majesty well observes in his gracious Letter 
of 28 June 1662) are inconsistent with any kinde of Gov- 
erment. 

27°. Wee have as many Churches as Townes except two 
or three not yet fully Setled, and a minister belonging to 
every one of them ; some have two apeice, so through the 
mercy of God wee want none ; but some able Schollars fit 
for the ministery rather want imploiment. And for the 
instruction of the people they generally preach twice on the 
Lords dayes, besides Lectures, in some of the biggest 
Townes on the weeke dayes, and chatechizeing of Children, 
and the youth of the place as they have oppertunity. As to 
the maintenance of ministers in Boston, it is by a voluntary, 
weekely, contribution, well pleasing to ministers and people, 
but in the rest of the Townes generally by a yearly Assese- 
ment of all the Inhabitants of the place ; which they freely 
assent unto, the severall Courts takeing speciall care that all 
ministers have comfortable maintenance allowed them accord- 
ing to the poor ability of the place and people. Wee have 
no beggars and few idle Vagabonds, except now and then 
some Quakers from Road Island &c a . that much molest us 
and endanger the seducing of the people, where they come. 
And all Townes are enjoined by Law to take care of and 
provide for all the poore decayed and impotent persons 
within their respective limits, which accordingly they doe. 

Finished these transcriptions 14 Septr. 1842. 

There is a printed proclamation, with the seal on the top, 
" To our Brethren and Friends, the Inhabitants of the 



Gleanings for New England History. 341 

Colony of the Mattachusetts," " dated in Boston the 7th of 
December, 1675." " By the Council, Edward Rawson 
Secret." It relates altogether to the war with the Indians, 
to explain its origin, and justify its necessity. There is a let- 
ter, or copy of one, from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, dated about 
1637, in which it is plain he was to have been Governor 
General of the New England Colonies, if happy circum- 
stances had not defeated that project. A catalogue of Har- 
vard College of 1674, printed on a single Broadside, having 
the masters indicated to 1671 inclusive and bachelors of the 
later year, is dedicated, like the old fashioned Theses, to 
John Leverett, &c. &,c. and the Vice Governors, &c. &c. 
signed L. H. initials of President Hoar. Besides these, an 
enumeration of the inhabitants of Virginia, in the early part 
of 1635, in the several small settlements respectively, not 
one exceeding 900, and the aggregate being 5059, including 
145 just arrived from Bermudas, if my memory carried the 
particulars correctly, may be found. 

Sufficient importance did not attach to these papers, or 
several others, to engage my time. Of the liberality, with 
which the use of such materials is permitted, the agent of 
the State of New York will soon furnish most abundant evi- 
dence, if the expense of making copies be not too great for 
the contemplated value. As my own researches were less 
dignified in object and less comprehensive in extent, it may 
not be amiss to give the manner of application and the reply. 



The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the 
honor to acquaint the Earl of Aberdeen, Her Majesty's 
Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that Mr. 
James Savage, of Boston in the United States, has lately 
arrived in London, for the purpose of pursuing his inquiries 
into the personal history of the first settlers of New Eng- 
land ; — a subject on which he has already bestowed much 
successful labor. Mr. Savage's researches are exclusively 
literary and historical, undertaken solely to gratify a liberal 
curiosity and to throw light on the character of the founders 
of his native country. He has no political object whatever, 

vol. vin. 43 



342 Gleanings for New England History. 

and does not wish to pursue his investigations below the year 
16S8. 

The Undersigned requests that Mr. Savage may have 
access to the books in the State Paper office, including 
those lately removed from the Board of Trade, under such 
restrictions as Lord Aberdeen may think proper ; — and the 
Undersigned cheerfully pledges himself, on behalf of Mr. 
Savage, that he will make use of the permission, if granted 
to him, in good faith, for the sole object for which it is 
sought. 

[Signed] Edward Everett. 

46 Grosvenor Place, 
29 June, 1842. 

Lord Aberdeen presents his compliments to Mr. Everett, 
and in reply to his note of the 29th instant, requesting that 
Mr. James Savage of Boston, may be permitted to examine 
certain Records in the State Paper Office down to the year 
1688, with a view to elucidate the early history of New Eng- 
land, has the honor to inform Mr. Everett, that orders have 
been given that Mr. Savage may have free access to the vol- 
umes of the State Papers prior to and including the year 
1688, with reference to the object which Mr. Savage is 
stated to have in view. 

Mr. Savage will however, like Mr. Brodhead, be expected 
to pursue his examination of the Volumes submitted to 
him in the presence of an Officer of the State Paper 
Office, to mark with slips of paper such Papers as he 
may wish to have Copies or Extracts of, and not to tran- 
scribe, or make Extracts of any of them, until the Papers so 
indicated shall have been examined and allowed on the part 
of Lord Aberdeen. 

Foreign Office, 

July 2, 1842. 

Probably the visit to Boston, in Lincolnshire, and partial 
examination of its records may vindicate a claim to short 
notice here. 

On 13 August the Records of the Municipal government 
were by the Mayor submitted to my inspection with full lib- 
erty to make extracts. Few formal statements of such 



Gleanings for JYew England History. 343 

concerns as necessarily occupied the deliberations of Alder- 
men and Common Councilmen in a Provincial town two 
hundred years since may seem worth copying, and I selected 
but two dates out of a long lapse of time : " At an Assembly 
there holden upon Friday the xxth. day of October 1620, 
before the Maior, Aldermen and Common Council," 

(Here are names of absent Aldermen) (Absent Councilmen) 

The first article mentioned in the record of this meeting 
is receipt of payment of a sum of money from Sir John Read. 

" Item at this Assembly there is delivered out of the 
Treasury to Thomas Leverett the sum of £5. xviiis. 9d. 
expended by him in riding to London, and charges in Law, 
and for two messengers sent this last vacation, & for money 
expended by Mr. Askham for the copy of the Demurrer 
this last vacation about the town's land now in suit in the 
Chancery." 

"At an Assembly holden at the Guildhall of the Borough 
of Boston in the County of Lincoln this xxiith day of July 
1633 before the Maior, Aldermen & Common Council; 

At this Assembly Mr. John Cotton late Vicar of Boston 
yielded up his place of being Vicar by his letter dated in 
July 1633, which this house have accepted. 

At this Assembly Mr. Atherton Hough, an Alderman of 
this Borough, hath surrendered his place of Aldermanship 
within this Borough by his letters under his hand this day 
delivered &, read at this Assembly, and this house hath 
accordingly accepted the same. 

At this Assembly Mr. Thomas Leverett, an Alderman of 
this Borough hath surrendered his place of Aldermanship 
within this Borough by his letters under his hand delivered 
and read at this Assembly, and this house hath accepted 
thereof accordingly. 

At this Assembly there was an intimation delivered to the 
Maior & Burgesses of this Borough from the right honor- 
able John, Lord Bishop of Lincoln, by the hands of Mr. 
Thomas Cony of this town, intimating that the eight of July 
1633 Mr. John Cotton, late Vicar of Boston, had resigned 
his said vicarage to the said Bishop, and that the said Lord 
Bishop did the same day at his house in the College of 
Westminster accept of the same resignation, and did then 



344 Gleanings for New England History. 

pronounce the same vicarage to be actually void of Incum- 
bent, and that he did then by the said Thomas Cony inti- 
mate to the Maior & Burgesses of Boston the voydance of 
the same to the end that the said Maior and Burgesses may 
when they please present some able person thereunto." 

Forthwith the Corporation' proceeded, as the Record 
shows, and made choice of Mr. Anthony Tuckney to be 
their Vicar. He, we know, became one of the most cele- 
brated divines in England, was appointed one of the famous 
Westminster Assembly, and afterwards Master of Emanuel 
College, and Vice Chancellor of the University. 

Of our Samuel Whiting of Lynn, Farmer has told, that 
he was son of John, mayor of Boston. The family was in 
high repute there, we may infer, for Thompson's History of 
the Borough shows, that John was mayor in 1600, and again 
in 1608, that John Whiting junr., probably son of the for- 
mer, and brother of our divine, was Mayor in 1626, and 
John Whiting, reasonably to be regarded as the same gen- 
tleman, was in the same office in 1633 and again 1644 and 
1655. Skirbeck church, where S. Whiting was minister, is 
less than a mile from Boston, which is in Shirbeck wapen- 
take, the river Witham dividing the parishes. 

In 1628 Atherton Hough was Mayor, this office being 
filled from the Board of Aldermen, and I doubt not it was 
the same man, and not, as Farmer supposes, his son, who 
resigned his place of Alderman, according to the record 
above, in 1633, when about to accompany his spiritual guide 
to our country, where they arrived 4 Septr. of the same 
year. 

By the same authority of Thompson we learn, that Rich- 
ard Bellingham was Recorder of Boston from 1625 to 
1633. He came in the following year, not, as Hutchinson 
implies, 1635. 

Commock, known to our early historians as a nephew of 
the Earl of Warwick, I found a common family name at 
Boston in those times, when the records also mention an 
Edmund Jackson, a Thomas Scott, besides a John Wright, 
who was an Alderman in 1630. It may not be a worthless 
conjecture, that persons bearing those names here a few 
years later were all drawn by the influence of Cotton to be 
of his flock or neighborhood on this side of the ocean, if 
they had been taught by him in old England. 



Gleanings of New England History. 345 

For giving the two following letters, of which the originals 
are in possession of one of our countrymen, domiciled in Lon- 
don, though they are not connected with our early history, 
yet being letters of Washington, hitherto unpublished, who 
kept no copies of them, in the opinion of Professor Sparks, 
apology must be unnecessary. 

Copy of a letter from Washington, addressed " To the Hon. 
I. Palmer, Watertown." 

(All in his handwriting, well known to me. J. S.) 

" Cambridge, Augt. 7th, 1775. 

Sir, — Your favour of yesterday came duely to my hands 
— as I did not consider local appointments, as having any 
operation upon the general one, I had partly engaged (at 
least in my own mind) the office of Quartermaster Genl. 
before your favour was presented to me. In truth, Sir, I 
think it sound policy to bestow offices indiscriminately 
among Gentlemen of the different Governm'ts. for as all 
bear a proportionable part towards the expence of this War, 
if no Gentleman out of these four Governments come in for 
any share of the appointments, it may be apt to create jeal- 
ousies which will, in the end, give disgust ; for this reason, 
I would earnestly recom'd it to your Board to provide for 
some of the Volunteers who are come from Philadelphia, 
with very warm recommendations, tho' strangers to me. 

In respect to the Boats &\ from Salem, 1 doubt, in the 
first place, whether they could be brought over by Land — 
in the second, I am sure nothing could ever by executed 
here by surprise, as I am well convinced that nothing is 
transacted in our Camp, or Lines, but what is known in 
Boston in less than 24 hours, - — indeed, circumstanced as 
we are, it is scarce possible to be otherwise, unless we were 
to stop the communication between the Country &, our 
Camp & Lines, in which case, we sh'd render our sup- 
plies of milk, vegetables, &L a . difficult & precarious. We 
are now building a kind of Floating Battery; when that is 
done, and the utility of it discovered, I may possibly apply 
for Timber to build more, as circumstances shall require. 
I remain with great esteem, Sir, 

y'r most h'ble serv't. 

Go. Washington." 



346 Gleanings for New England History. 

Another letter, of same hand, addressed like the former^ 
taken from another volume of MSS. 

" Cambridge, Augt. 22d, 1775. 

Sir, — In answer to your favour of yesterday, I must in- 
form you, that I have often been told of the advantages of 
Point Alderton with respect to its command of the shipping 
going in and out of Boston Harbour ; and that it has, before 
now, been the object of my particular enquiries — That I 
find the accounts differ exceedingly in regard to the distance 
of the ship channel, — & that, there is a passage on the 
other side of the light House Island for all vessells except 
ships of the first Rate. 

My knowledge of this matter would not have rested upon 
enquiries only, if I had found myself at any one time since 
I came to this place, in a condition to have taken such a 
Post. But it becomes my duty to consider, not only what 
place is advantageous, but what number of men are neces- 
sary to defend it — how they can be supported in case of 
an attack — how they may retreat, if they cannot be sup- 
ported — & what stock of ammunition we are provided 
with for the purpose of self defence, or annoyance of the 
Enemy. — In respect to the first, I conceive our defence 
must be proportioned to the attack of Genl. Gage's whole 
force (leaving him just enough to man his Lines on Charles 
Town Neck & Roxbury) and with regard to the second, and 
most important object, we have only 184 Barrls. of powder 
in all, which is not sufficient to give 30 musket cartridges a 
man, and scarce enough to serve the artillery in any brisk 
action a single day. 

Would it be prudent then in me, under these circum- 
stances, to take a Post 30 miles distant from this place when 
we already have a Line of Circumvallation at least Ten 
miles in extent, any part of which may be attacked (if the 
Enemy will keep their own Council) without our having one 
hours previous notice of it? — Or is it prudent to attempt a 
measure which necessarily would bring on a consumption of 
all the ammunition we have ; thereby leaving the army at the 
mercy of the Enemy, or to disperse, & the Country to be 
ravaged, and laid waste at discretion ? — To you, Sir, who 
is a well- wisher to the cause, and can reason upon the ef- 



Gleanings for New England History, 347 

fects of such a Conduct, I may open myself with freedom, 
because no improper discoveries will be made of our Situa- 
tion ; but I cannot expose my weakness to the Enemy (tho' 
I believe they are pretty well informed of every thing that 
passes) by telling this, and that man, who are daily pointing 
out this — that — and t'other place, of all the motives that 
govern my actions, notwithstanding I know what will be the 
consequence of not doing it — namely, that I shall be ac- 
cused of inattention to the publick Service — and perhaps 
with want of Spirit to prosecute it. But this shall have no 
effect upon my conduct. I will steadily (as far as my judg- 
ment will assist me) pursue such measures as I think most 
conducive to the Interest of the cause, & rest satisfied under 
any obloquy that shall be thrown, conscious of having dis- 
charged my duty to the best of my abilities. 

I am much obliged to you however, as I shall be to every 
Gentleman, for pointing out any measure which is thought 
conducive to the publick good, and cheerfully follow any 
advice which is not inconsistent with, but correspondent to, 
the general Plan in view, & practicable under such partic- 
ular circumstances as govern in cases of the like kind. — In 
respect to point Alderton, I was no longer ago than Monday 
last, talking to Genl. Thomas on this head, &, proposing 
to send Colo. Putnam down to take the distances &c\ but 
considered it could answer no end but to alarm, &, make 
the Enemy more vigilant, unless we were in a condition to 
possess the Post to effect. I thought it as well to postpone 
the matter a while. I am, Sir, 

Y'r very hble. serv't. 

G. Washington." 



Few and slight as these memorials appear, they amply re- 
pay my short research ; nor may they be wholly useless, if 
others are excited hereby, through more patient labors, to 
more successful acquisitions. The land of our fathers' sepul- 
chres is abundant in objects of liberal inquiry, hoary with 
ancient renown, or brilliant in recent improvement; and 
each class invites attention from citizens of our republic, one 
as generous competitors in civilization, the other as par- 
takers of a common inheritance. More than six hundred 



348 Gleanings for Neiv England History. 

years ago, our progenitors assisted in the solemnity of lay- 
ing the foundations of Magna Charta, and no violence has 
yet reached deep enough to disturb the fabric of human 
rights erected by the Laws of England, however changed 
have been parts of the superstructure, and occasionally fan- 
tastic some division of the ornaments. In the offspring the 
inhabitants of that island, generally, seemed to me willing 
to perceive no degeneracy, and to rejoice at our enterprize, 
and to desire our welfare. 

29 Deer. 1842. 

Note. An error is observable in tbe date of certificate No. 20 in the list of passen- 
gers of the Hercules of Sandwich, p. 275, 2b' Mar. 1634, which, in the old mode of 
computation, would have been eleven months and eighteen days earlier than that 
immediately preceding, 16 Mar. 1634. We might presume, that both referred to our 
reckoning of the year, as March was the first month, though the first day of the year 
was 25th March ; but this is forbidden by some of the dates being in February, and there 
can be no doubt, that voyage was in 1C35. By the letter of the officers of the Cus- 
tom House, on p. 319, we find, that the regulation from the Commissioners of the 
Privy Council was not issued before the month of December 1634. At the begin- 
ning of a year, most persons are liable to a similar mistake, in dating a letter, to use 
the old, instead of the new number. 



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